Mr Verde follows up our analysis of the “mystery” of the Assembly of Experts statement/non-statement supporting the Supreme Leader and declaring that time has run out for a seditious opposition.
The Assembly of Experts has been holding twice a yearly for many years. Most of its meetings are behind closed doors. The official reports of the meetings usually included a few set-piece and rather predictable speeches. And they were ignored by most people.
The only notable “news” about the Assembly meetings in recent years was the 2007 election to replace the deceased Ali Meshkini as chair. Until then only one candidate stood in the election and was elected unanimously to show unity. This time, however, there were two candidates: Rafsanjani and Ayatollah Ahmad Jannati.
For an observer 1000s of miles away, the movement of events was dream-like. Initially, as Grand Ayatollah Montazeri’s body was moved from his house to the Imam Hassan Mosque, the report were “30,000 to 40,000″ on the streets. An hour later, as the procession moved from the mosque to the Massoumeh Shrine, where Montazeri would be buried, the news came of “more than 100,000″.
Then it was hundreds of thousands. Not just claims of hundreds of thousands but the first pictures, with an aerial shot of of Qom filled with mourners and demonstrators. Then the videos, first in a trickle, soon a torrent, from Montazeri’s house, from the mosque, from the shrine, throughout the city, in Najafabad (Montazeri’s birthplace), and in other cities.
Just put two images side-by-side. Three days before Montazeri’s burial, the regime struggled (and possibly manipulated) to fill Tehran’s Enghelab Square with supporters. Yesterday, there was no need for PhotoShop: this was the genuine expression of emotions from anguish to anger to hope, in numbers not seen since the first days after the Presidential election. Read the rest of this entry »
2015 GMT: Josh Shahryar has posted an overview with new data on the 16 Azar marches.
1930 GMT: Back from the Iran conference in Durham to find a write-up in The New York Times ( on the Internet attention to the case of Majid Tavakoli, the student leader arrested in the 16 Azar (7 December) demonstrations. It’s a good piece on an important matter of Iranian “justice” and dissent, quoting Twitter-prominent activists/bloggers “madyar” and “omidhabibnia”.
One correction, though. The article kindly cites me for posting Tavakoli’s last entry on Facebook before he was detained. All the credit should go to Setareh Sabety, who brought the piece to Enduring America.
1645 GMT: Propaganda of the Day. Javan, the newspaper of the Revolutionary Guard, says Mehdi Karroubi sent a letter to former President Mohammad Khatami declaring, “You are not part of the movement and have been useless for reformists.”
Many thanks to readers and EA colleagues who gave valuable feedback and criticism on yesterday’s analysis of the meetings between clerics and Hashemi Rafsanjani discussing moves for a National Unity Plan manoeuvring between the Ahmadinejad Government and the Green opposition.
A basic but, I think, important start to a reply: there is a big difference between questioning whether meetings took place and questioning whether those meetings will be effective.
Almost all the reaction has focused on that second question. Some readers noted, quite rightly, that Nasser Makarem-Shirazi is the only Ayatollah who has gone public, and then in general terms regarding “unity” rather than in reference to the meetings. That’s a fair point, even though we have information that other senior clerics have been involved in the discussions.
Some readers have questioned whether any Plan can get the approval of the Supreme Leader or, alternatively, the Revolutionary Guard.
Again, that is a necessary challenge, but any Plan is likely to be a tactical move against the authority of the President rather than a strategic approach for re-alignment or major change in the Iranian system. The question then becomes not whether Ayatollah Khamenei will defy any proposal revising velayat-e-faqih but whether he will side with the “third way” against Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. (I agree that, if the Revolutionary Guard rather than the Supreme Leader are in charge that even this is problematic, but I don’t start from that assumption at this point.) Read the rest of this entry »
1345 GMT: No Thanks on Nukes. Looks like Tehran will maintain a tough posture on talks on uranium enrichment. On Monday, President Obama and Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan discussed the continuing Turkish effort to broker a third-party enrichment deal, but today the Iranian Foreignj Ministry spokesman said No, Thank You: “Turkey wants to play a role in solving the nuclear issue … But we don’t think our transparent views needed to be interpreted by other countries.”
1330 GMT: Peykeiran is reporting that several hundred students are protesting at Tehran University. The demonstration is occurring despite a warning from universities’ authorities that any protesters would be “dealt with”.
1200 GMT: The Tehran prosecutor’s office says 86 of the 204 arrested on 16 Azar have been released.
1015 GMT: Complementing our own discussion of the significance of 16 Azar, Nazenin Ansari writes on OpenDemocracy about “Iran’s Pre-Revolutionary Rupture”: “The continuing, defiant protest-wave in Iran accentuates the ferocious crisis of legitimacy at the regime’s heart. The epic events of 2009 are at a historic turning-point.” (hat-tip to an EA reader for bringing this to our attention)
0920 GMT: Students, Don’t Even Think About It. Fars News reports that Tehran University authorities have declared that any student gathering today is “illegal” and “will be dealt with”.
0915 GMT: Rumour of Day – Khamenei Disappears to “Secret Place”. Israel National News thinks it has an exclusive from “an activist in the global Iranian pro-democracy movement”:
I am told that Khamenei was taken to a secret place to monitor the situation and perhaps for his safety, and a helicopter was ready with a pilot in it to perhaps fly him out to Russia if the situation got out of hand. I am also told that prominent clergy went to meet with him hoping to force him to show leniency
0910 GMT: Karroubi on Students and Government Violence. Mehdi Karroubi’s Tagheer website carries an interview with the cleric in which he describes university students as the “thermometer“ of society and advises security forces to “refrain from getting entangled with the people, the students, and the valuable forces of society”. and get caught up in undesirable movements.” He emphasised that the political disputes within the country are “grave” and there is a “serious solution” for them.
Karroubi also criticized President Ahmadinejad’s reported remarks that there was that the US is trying to block the return of the 12th Imam of Shi’a Islam. This has tainted the “reputation of the system and the clergy”; the world should not regard Ahmadinejad as a representative of the Iranian nation but as “merely the head of the government”. Read the rest of this entry »
2140 GMT: A Special Note for Closing (and for Opening Tomorrow). In another portion of his press confernce, Iran Prosecutor General Gholam Hossein Mohseni-Ejei took aim at the son of former President Hashemi Rafsanjani: “If there are any charges against Mehdi Hashemi, he should be summoned and his case investigated. If he is found guilty, he should be punished without any mercy.”
Subtext? The Government is pulling out the threats because it is worried that Rafsanjani is up to something big.
And guess what? He is. Tune in first thing tomorrow morning.
2100 GMT: Cyber-Protest. The Green Movement has hacked the website of Gilan University. The homepage still features a protest poster and the slogan, “Green Movement is Alive”.
I could be overreading the situation, but I sense nervousness and confusion within the Iranian establishment. That emerged yesterday in the conflicting stories over the objections of key members of Parliament, and specifically Speaker of Parliament Ali Larijani, to the rule of President Ahmadinejad. Of course, there have been differences between Parliament and Ahmadinejad on the economic issues before the election, let alone after the inauguration. The anger over the economic proposals, especially the way they have been pursued by Ahmadinejad, is rising, with the injection of the accusations not only of mismanagement but of dubious practices and possibly corruption.
The reason for that appears to be a political contest behind the economic foreground. Look carefully at the conflicting stories in the same publication, Khabar, yesterday, and here is what emerges. While some members of Parliament are eager to rally round Ahmadinejad and claim that the dispute is being whipped up by outside forces, Larijani’s criticism moves from the battle over subsidies and taxes to the manner in which Ahmadinejad is wielding authority. Dictator” is a pretty strong word, even if the President is not directly named, and Larijani’s defense of Hashemi Rafsanjani against the attacks, fed if not led by Ahmadinejad allies, is just as telling.
0800 GMT: In recent days there has been an apparent shift in the content of the statements of opposition leaders. Despite Government restrictions, Mir Hossein Mousavi, Mehdi Karroubi, and Mohammad Khatami have continued to get out public declarations, mainly through meetings with reformist groups or appearances such as Karroubi’s visit to Ayatollah Bayat-Zanjani in hospital, but their content now seems to be carefully hedged. While the abuses of the Government are still identified, all three have been at great pains to put their calls for changes within the framework of the Constitution and the Iranian system, as well as warning their followers not to resort to extreme action.
In tone, this is not new. The Green movement has always maintained that it is upholding the laws and values of the Islamic Republic and that it is the Government which has dismissed or violated those foundations of 1979. There has been far less in content, however, from Mousavi, Karroubi, and Khatami on political objectives, and even specific issues such as the enquiry into detainee abuses, spurred by Khatami’s letter of 29 July to Hashemi Rafsanjani, have not featured so prominently.
Mr Verde follows up our analysis of the “mystery” of the Assembly of Experts statement/non-statement supporting the Supreme Leader and declaring that time has run out for a seditious opposition.
For an observer 1000s of miles away, the movement of events was dream-like. Initially, as Grand Ayatollah Montazeri’s body was moved from his house to the Imam Hassan Mosque, the report were “30,000 to 40,000″ on the streets. An hour later, as the procession moved from the mosque to the Massoumeh Shrine, where Montazeri would be buried, the news came of “more than 100,000″.
2015 GMT: Josh Shahryar has posted 
2140 GMT: A Special Note for Closing (and for Opening Tomorrow). In another portion of his press confernce, Iran Prosecutor General Gholam Hossein Mohseni-Ejei 
I could be overreading the situation, but I sense nervousness and confusion within the Iranian establishment. That emerged yesterday in the conflicting stories over the objections of key members of Parliament, and specifically Speaker of Parliament Ali Larijani, to the rule of President Ahmadinejad. Of course, there have been differences between Parliament and Ahmadinejad on the economic issues before the election, let alone after the inauguration. The anger over the economic proposals, especially the way they have been pursued by Ahmadinejad, is rising, with the injection of the accusations not only of mismanagement but of dubious practices and possibly corruption.
0800 GMT: In recent days there has been an apparent shift in the content of the statements of opposition leaders. Despite Government restrictions, Mir Hossein Mousavi, Mehdi Karroubi, and Mohammad Khatami have continued to get out public declarations, mainly through meetings with reformist groups or appearances such as Karroubi’s visit to Ayatollah Bayat-Zanjani in hospital, but their content now seems to be carefully hedged. While the abuses of the Government are still identified, all three have been at great pains to put their calls for changes within the framework of the Constitution and the Iranian system, as well as warning their followers not to resort to extreme action.
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