US Politics: Grassroots Activism, American Style (Haddigan)

EA's US Politics correspondent Lee Haddigan writes:

On Thursday afternoon, on a national radio talk show, Sarah Palin finally endorsed Catherine O’Donnell’s campaign to be the next Senator from Delaware. Within hours, after Palin repeated her backing for O’Donnell via Twitter and Facebook, the Internet was swamped with the news.

Nothing too surprising about that: this is the way politics is conducted in the US. To people in Britain, "activist" conjures a picture of a small group trudging through streets posting leaflets every election year. Some folks might occasionally remember a canvaser knocking on their door to solicit their vote. But the grassroots activism of America is an alien concept.

US Politics: When Delaware Matters — And How to Survive It (Haddigan)

In large parts of the US, there is a professionalism and commitment to political campaigning by volunteers that supports the belief the country is a democratic nation, a country where the people and not special interests decide who rule. A trawl through various websites on the Tea Party Right and progressive Left reveal some of the techniques they use to Get Out the Vote.

Amidst the startling technological innovations that are changing the ways Americans are involved in politics, it is a long-dead community organiser called Saul Alinsky who has become the guiding star of grassroots activism. He wrote two books, Reveille for Radicals (1946) and Rules for Radicals (1971), that are credited with providing the techniques used so successfully in President Obama’s campaigns against both Hillary Clinton and John McCain.

After Obama’s victories, conservatives have read Alinsky to find the means to defeat Democrats in 2010 and beyond. They have reservations about Alinsky’s supposed Marxist leanings, and some of the rules for radicals that he advocates, but the Tea Party surge still relies heavily on the lessons on human nature he taught all those years ago. Alinsky’s books even galvanized one of the early Tea Party leaders, Timothy Patrick Leahy, to write Rules for Conservative Radicals, a modification of Alinsky’s dictums for a more principled and civil conservative movement.

Ever wondered how to organize an effective local Tea Party protest? Visit the Tea Party Patriots website for tried and trusted recommendations. These range from the technical (making sure there is electricity available at the location), to the emotional (getting a group of children to recite the Pledge of Allegiance before the event begins) to the courteous reminder to send a letter to all the speakers thanking them for their time. One activity they advise for the beginning of the event is the announcement of a Be Heard booth, where members of the crowd can go to be interviewed by local media. The three most passionate participants in the booth are then invited to speak on stage for five minutes.

But the Tea Party’s efforts to help protests in local communities are dwarfed by the guidance provided by some national conservative foundations. The mission statement of FreedomWorks states that their aim is to drive “policy change by training and mobilizing grassroots Americans to engage their fellow citizens and encourage their political representatives to act in defense of individual freedom and economic opportunity”.  They maintain that for too long “the organized forces of the liberal Left have dominated the grassroots political landscape,” and they provide tools and resources to redress the balance. One of the resources they use to counteract the influence of liberal organizations like MoveOn.org is a special DVD, which lays “out FreedomWorks' masterplan to mobilize freedom-loving Americans to save our great country”. And they hold workshops throughout the country, explaining that masterplan, to get community organizers mobilized in all 50 states in time for the midterms. Also available at their website is a 69 page "FreedomWorks Grassroots Activism Toolkit" which describes how “to organize a protest, be effective in town hall meetings, interact with the media, utilize online tools, hold events, raise money, recruit members to your group, and other essential information”.

Grassroots activism is not a new phenomenon. Barry Goldwater’s campaign to become president was built on the efforts of organizations like the John Birch Society and local coffee mornings staged by women throughout the country. But there is now the emphasis on coordinating these efforts nationwide, using new techniques, to provide the conservative movement with activist leaders.

The Leadership Institute was founded in 1979 to “increase the number and effectiveness of conservative activists and leaders in the public policy process”. They support Grassroot Activist and Campaign Schools and workshops in the New Media and Internet Blogging at novice or advanced level. The novice Activist School lasts one to days and costs $100-150 (meals included); it is aimed at “center-right public policy organization staff, conservative individuals or groups working on ballot initiatives, propositions, or referenda, or those interested in volunteering or working for a conservative candidate, cause, or issue at the local or state level”. Attendees listen to lectures which explain the "Imperatives of Leadership" and the basics for "Recruiting and Motivating Volunteers".

At the advanced level, the New Media school ($50 for an evening) seeks to enable partcipants to “Ttake your online strategy to the next level in LI’s Advanced New Media Workshop and learn how to translate online activism to actual grassroots activism”. It includes lessons in "Search Engine Optimization" and "Reputation Management".

As mundane as these topics may appear, they are vital to any campaign in the new technological era. Google "[Catherine] O’Donnell Delaware" and either "masturbation" or "Fairleigh Dickinson". You'll find that her campaign to become Senator is being derailed by revelations on the Internet of events from 15 to 20 years ago. These attacks are an example of the successful use of two of Alinsky’s "Rules for Radicals". First, "Ridicule is a potent weapon", and second, "Pick the target, freeze it, personalize it, and polarize it.”

Americans for Prosperity, one of the "harmless sounding" organizations that President Obama recently criticised for subverting democratic politics in the United States, also provide Grassroots Training Schools. However, it is their recent innovation that illustrates how politics in America is changing on a national scale. On 3 September Tim Phillips, President of AFP, announced that as part of their "November is Coming", AFP had developed databases that allow citizens to call a list of voters in “crucial areas of the nation”. He asked for volunteers to "Phone for Freedom" by logging on to the AFP website where they would receive a script, and list of citizens to call nationwide (for free, even at long distance, from their home phone). Phillips claims that the activist can ‘Make a Difference’ from the comfort of his/her own home. It is one indication of what will be an interesting development in years to come: isolated voters of both parties are going to become more involved in the political process because of technological advances.

Altogether, the Democrats are using technology in a much savvier manner than the Republicans, and leading this evolution in American politics. There is no better example than the website ActBlue. In essence, ActBlue is a clearingsite for donations made by grassroots activists nationwide to a local election. You can donate to candidates via numerous websites, through your smartphone, or via Facebook. As ActBlue announced:

In February, we built an integration that allows donors to post their donations to their Facebook wall. That was just a first step. Today, we allow donors and campaigns to place a donate tab on their Facebook profiles and fan pages. In doing so, we've created another way for Democratic donors to translate their passion into (political) currency, and activate personal networks that candidates could never hope to reach. And we let everybody use it. For free.

The group Organizing for America, as part of its 50-State Strategy, has been getting volunteers to knock on 200,000 doors throughout the country. Basic grassroots stuff, but their latest Version 1.5 App for the iPhone and iPad will supposedly revolutionise canvassing. Devin Chalmers, the developer, posted on 2 September:

The app takes the usual unwieldy accouterments of canvassing --- the pen and paper, clipboards, and lists of voters ---- and puts them all on your mobile phone. It lets you connect with real people wherever you are and whenever you want. It gets rid of the time-consuming process of assembling lists of houses and entering data, and makes it easier for people on the ground to focus on the things that matter: the one-on-one conversations with your neighbors.

And, for another example from the progressive Left, Democracy for America runs Campaign Academy weekends to “focus, network, and train grassroots activists in the skills and strategies to take back our country”. These sessions are 16 hours of intensive interactive workshops, led by campaign professionals, during which each participant receives the DFA 180-page Campaign Training Manual. DFA also recently announced the provision of Night School classes. The classes are free one-hour interactive video web-conferences where those taking part can ask questions of the trainer. On the schedule for 15 September is a lesson in "Mobilizing Progressives with Google". It not only advises on how to use Google Ads and YouTube effectively, but also how to employ Google Docs and Calendars to keep campaigns working efficiently. The curriculum claims that “Google is moving into campaigns in a big way in 2010” and lists the guest trainer for the session as Google Campaign Rep Andrew Roos.

This sampling of websites establishes that grassroots politics, American style, is a professionally coordinated activity using new technology to interact with politicians and voters in ways that were unimaginable 10 years ago (or in Britain today). Old-style politics, such as letters, petitions, and calls to Congress, are still important, but you cannot stop revolutions in communication techniques once they have started. In 50 years time, the Obama/Internet revolution of 2008 may be remembered in history classes the same way we were taught about the importance of television by the Presidential debates between John Kennedy and Richard Nixon.

But, more importantly, this communications revolution may well change the way that voters relate to politics in the US The Delaware Senate contest, for example, has become a national news election in a way that could never have happened before. Now the isolated Republican in a Democratic state can become engaged in the political process by donating $20 dollars via the internet to Christine O’Donnell. Similarly, Democrats in any red state can give $20 to Jack Conway to defeat Rand Paul in Kentucky. Or they could make a call to voters in other states for free. Or they could use Twitter, Google Ad, or YouTubefor  a contribution to the debate.

We are at the beginning of this change, but the feeling of personal inclusion by the previous-excluded in political contests could well be more important in the long term than this November's Congressional results.