UPDATED Video and Transcript : Obama-Netanyahu News Conference

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Assessing Netanyahu-Obama: Israel, Iran, and Palestine

The news organisations are scrambling for interpretations of today's private meeting between President Obama and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, based on "sources" and the public press appearance of the two men. MSNBC is going with "Obama expects positive Iranian response; Netanyahu ready to resume peace talks if Palestinians accept Israel"; CNN holds back with the blander "Obama, Netanyahu discuss U.S.-Israeli disagreements".

We're going to take some time to decode the statements and leaks --- full analysis tomorrow. In the meantime, here's the three-part video and transcript of the press briefing

VIDEO (Part 1 of 3)

[youtube]http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=epqO4ku0x1A[/youtube]



VIDEO (Part 2 of 3)



VIDEO (Part 3 of 3)



OBAMA: All right, everybody. Just tell me when everybody’s set up. Great. Well, listen, I -- I, first of all, want to thank Prime Minister Netanyahu for making this visit. I think we had a (sic) extraordinarily productive series of conversations, not only between the two of us, but also at the staff and agency levels.

Obviously, this reflects the extraordinary relationship, the special relationship between the United States and Israel. It is a stalwart ally of the United States. We have historical ties, emotional ties. As the only true democracy in the Middle East, it is a source of admiration and inspiration for the American people.

I have said from the outset that when it comes to my policies towards Israel and the Middle East, that Israel’s security is paramount, and I repeated that to Prime Minister Netanyahu.

It is in U.S. national security interests to assure that Israel’s security as a (sic) independent Jewish state is maintained.

One of the areas that we discussed is the deepening concern around the potential pursuit of a nuclear weapon by Iran; something that the prime minister has been very vocal in his concerns about, but is a concern that is shared by his countrymen and -women across the political spectrum.

I indicated to him the view of our administration that Iran is a country of extraordinary history and extraordinary potential, that we want them be a full-fledged member of the international community and be in a position to provide opportunities and prosperity for their people, but that the way to achieve those goals is not through the pursuit of a nuclear weapon.

OBAMA: And I indicated to Prime Minister Netanyahu in private what I have said publicly, which is that Iran obtaining a nuclear weapon would not only be a threat to Israel and a threat to the United States, but would be profoundly destabilizing in the international community as a whole and could set off a nuclear arms race in the Middle East that would be extraordinarily dangerous for all concerned, including for Iran.

We are engaged in a process to reach out to Iran and persuade them that it is not in their interest to pursue a nuclear weapon and that they should change course.

But I assured the prime minister that we are not foreclosing a range of steps, including much stronger international sanctions, in assuring that Iran understands that we are serious.

And, obviously, the prime minister emphasized his seriousness around this issue as well. I’ll allow him to speak for himself on that -- on that subject.

We also had an extensive discussion about the possibilities of restarting serious negotiations on the issue of Israel and the Palestinians.

OBAMA: I have said before and I will repeat again that it is, I believe, in the interests not only of the Palestinians but also the Israelis and the United States and the international community to achieve a two-state solution in which Israelis and Palestinians are living side by side in peace and security.

We have seen progress stalled on this front. And I suggested to the prime minister that he has a historic opportunity to get a serious movement on this issue during his tenure.

That means that all the parties involved have to take seriously obligations that they’ve previously agreed to. Those obligations were outlined in the road map. They were discussed extensively in Annapolis.

And I think that we can -- there is no reason why we should not seize this opportunity and this moment for all the parties concerned to take seriously those obligations and to move forward in a way that assures Israel’s security, that stops the terrorist attacks that have been such a source of pain and hardship, and that we can stop rocket attacks on Israel, but that also allows Palestinians to govern themselves as an independent state that allows economic development to take place, that allows them to make serious progress in meeting the aspirations of their people.

And I am confident that in the days, weeks and months to come that we are going to be able to make progress on that issue.

So, let me just summarize by saying that I think Prime Minister Netanyahu has the benefit of -- of having served as prime minister previously, he has both youth and wisdom...

(UNKNOWN): (OFF-MIKE)

OBAMA: ... and I think is in a position to achieve the security objectives of Israel, but also bring back historic peace.

OBAMA: I’m confident that he’s going to seize this moment and the United States is going to do everything we can to be constructive, effective partners in this process.

NETANYAHU: President Obama, thank you.

(inaudible) friendship to Israel and your friendship to me. You’re a great leader: a great leader of the United States, a great leader of the world, a great friend of Israel, and someone who (inaudible) Israel appreciate it, and I speak (inaudible).

(inaudible) first time that we are meeting as president and prime minister, so I was particularly pleased in your reaffirmation of the special relationship between Israel and the United States. We share the same goal and we face the same threats.

The common goal is peace. Everybody in Israel, as in the United States, wants peace.

The common threat we face are terrorist regimes (inaudible) that seek to (inaudible) the peace and endanger both (inaudible).

In this context, the worst danger we face is that Iran would develop nuclear military capabilities. Iran openly calls for our destruction, which is unacceptable (inaudible). It threatens the moderate Arab regimes in the Middle East. It threatens U.S. interests worldwide.

But if Iran were to acquire nuclear weapons, it could give a nuclear umbrella (ph) to terrorists or worse could actually give (inaudible) nuclear weapons. And that would put us all in great peril.

NETANYAHU: So, in that context, (inaudible) I very much appreciate, Mr. President, your -- your firm commitment to ensure that Iran does not develop nuclear military capability, and also your statement that you’re leaving all options on the table.

I share with you very much the desire to move the peace process forward. And I want to start peace negotiations with the Palestinians (inaudible). I would like to broaden the circle of peace to include others in the Arab world. If we could, Mr. President, (inaudible).

I want to make it clear that we don’t want to govern the Palestinians. We want to live in peace with them. We want them to govern themselves absent a handful of powers that could endanger the state of Israel.

And for this there has to be a -- a clear goal. The goal has to be an end to conflict. There’ll have to be compromises by Israelis and Palestinians alike. We’re ready to do our share. We hope the Palestinians will do their share as well.

If we resume negotiations, as we plan to do, then I think that the Palestinians will -- will have to recognize Israel as a Jewish state; will have to also enable Israel to have the means to defend itself.

If those conditions are met -- Israel’s security conditions are met, and there’s recognition of Israel’s legitimacy -- its permanent legitimacy, then I think we can envision an arrangement where Palestinians and Israelis live side by side in dignity, security and in peace.

And I look forward, Mr. President, to working with you, a true friend of Israel, for the achievement of our common goals (ph), which are security, prosperity and above all peace.

Thank you.

OBAMA: We’re going to take a couple of questions. We’re going to start with (inaudible).

QUESTION: Mr. President (inaudible) at length, as did the prime minister, about Iran’s nuclear program. Your program of engagement -- policy of engagement, how long is that going to last? Is there a deadline?

OBAMA: You know, I don’t want to set an artificial deadline.

OBAMA: I think it’s important to recognize that Iran is in the midst of its own elections. As I think all of you, since you’re all (inaudible) reporters, are familiar with, election time is not always the best time to get business done.

Their elections will be completed in June. And we are hopeful that at that point there is going to be a serious process of engagement, first with the P-5-plus-1 process, which is already in place; potentially through additional direct talks between the United States and Iran.

I want to re-emphasize what I said earlier: that I believe it is not only in the interests of the international community that Iran not develop nuclear weapons; I firmly believe it is in Iran’s interest not to develop nuclear weapons, because it would trigger a nuclear arms race in the Middle East and be profoundly destabilizing in all sorts of ways.

Iran can achieve its interests of securing international respect and prosperity for its people through other means. And I am prepared to make what I believe will be a persuasive argument that there should be a different course to be taken.

And the one thing we’re also aware of is the fact that the history, at least, of negotiations with Iran is that there is a lot of talk, but not always action that follows.

And that’s why it is important for us, I think, without having set an artificial deadline, to be mindful of the fact that we’re not going to have talk forever. We’re not going to create a situation in which the talks become an excuse for inaction while Iran proceeds with developing a nuclear -- and deploying a nuclear weapon.

That’s something, obviously, Israel is concerned about, but it’s also an issue of concern for the United States and for the international community as a whole.

My expectation would be that we can begin discussions soon, shortly after the Iranian elections.

OBAMA: We should have a fairly good sense by the end of the year as to whether they are moving in the right direction and whether the parties involved are making progress and that there’s a good-faith effort to resolve differences.

That doesn’t mean that any (ph) issue would be resolved by that point, but it does mean that we’ll probably be able to gauge and do a reassessment by the end of the year of this (inaudible).

QUESTION: Aren’t you concerned that your outstretched hand has been interpreted by extremists, especially Ahmadinejad and (inaudible) Mashaal (ph), as weakness?

And since my colleague already asked about the deadline, if engagement fails, what then?

OBAMA: Well, it’s not clear to me why my outstretched hand would be interpreted as weakness.

QUESTION: (OFF-MIKE) example.

OBAMA: I’m sorry?

QUESTION: The example of (inaudible).

They would have preferred to be on your side and move (ph) the extremists to Iran (ph).

OBAMA: Oh, I -- I think...

QUESTION: (OFF-MIKE)

OBAMA: Yeah, I’m not sure about that interpretation.

Look, we’ve been in office a little over a hundred days now; close to four months. We have put forward a clear principle that where we can resolve issues through negotiations and diplomacy, we should.

We didn’t expect, and I don’t think anybody in the international community or anybody in the Middle East, for that matter, would expect, that 30 years of antagonism and suspicion between Iran and the United States would be resolved in four months.

So we think it’s very important for us to give this a chance. Now, understand that part of the reason that it’s so important for us to take a diplomatic approach is that the approach that we’ve been taking, which is no diplomacy, obviously has not worked.

OBAMA: Nobody disagrees with that. Hamas and Hezbollah have gotten stronger. Iran has been pursuing its nuclear capabilities undiminished (ph). And so, not talking, that clearly hasn’t worked. That’s what’s been tried.

And so what we’re going to do is try something which is actually engaging and reaching out to the Iranians.

The important thing is to make sure that there is a clear timetable, at which point we say, “These talks don’t seem to be making any serious (inaudible).”

It hasn’t been tried before, so we don’t want to pre-judge that. But, as I said, by the end of the year I think we should have some sense as to whether or not these discussions are starting to yield significant benefits, whether we are starting to see serious movement on the part of the Iranians.

If that hasn’t taken place, then I think the international community will see that it’s not the United States or Israel or other countries that are seeking to isolate or victimize Iran. Rather, it is Iran itself which is isolating itself by (inaudible) -- being unwilling to engage in serious discussions about how they can preserve their security without threatening other people’s security, which ultimately is what we want to achieve.

We want to achieve a situation where all countries in the region can pursue economic development, commercial ties and trade, and -- and do so without the threat that populations are going to be subject to bombs and destruction.

That’s what I think the prime minister is interested in. That’s what I’m interested in. And I hope that ends up being what the ruling officials in Iran are interested in as well.

QUESTION: Mr. President and Mr. Prime Minister, can you each react to (inaudible) statement about a week ago that we really are at a critical place in the conflict and that if this moment isn’t seized and if a peace isn’t achieved now, soon, that in a year, a year and a half we could see renewed major conflict and perhaps more? And do you agree with that assessment?

NETANYAHU: I think we have to seize the moment.

I think we’re fortunate in having a leader like President Obama and a new government in Israel, and perhaps a new understanding in the Arab world that I haven’t seen in my lifetime.

You are very kind to me calling me young, but I’m more than half a century old. And in my 59 years, in the life of the Jewish state, there’s never been a time when Arabs and Israelis see a common threat the way we see it today, and also see the need to join together in working towards peace, while simultaneously defending ourselves against this common threat.

NETANYAHU: I think we have -- we have ways to capitalize on this sense of urgency, and we’re prepared to move with the president and with others in the Arab world, if they’re prepared to move as well.

And I think the important thing that we discussed, among other things, is how to buttress the Israeli-Palestinian peace tracks, which we want to resume right away, (inaudible) from others in the Arab world (inaudible) give confidence to each other that we’re changing the reality, changing the reality on the ground, changing political realities (inaudible) as well, while we work to broaden the circle of peace.

And I think that the sense of urgency that King Abdullah expressed is shared by me, it’s shared by many others, and I definitely know it’s shared by President Obama.

OBAMA: Look, I think there’s an extraordinary opportunity (ph). The prime minister said it well. You have Arab states in the region -- the Jordanians, the Egyptians, the Saudis -- who I think are looking for an opportunity to break this longstanding impasse, but aren’t sure how to do it, and share concerns about Iran’s potential development of a nuclear weapon.

In order for us to potentially realign interests in the region in a constructive way, bolstering, to use the prime minister’s word, the Palestinian-Israeli peace track is critical.

It will not be easy. It never has been easy.

In discussions, I don’t think the prime minister would mind me saying to him -- or saying publicly what I -- I said privately, which is that there is a recognition that the Palestinians are going to have to do a better job providing the kinds of security assurances that Israelis would need to achieve a two-state solution, that, you know, the leadership of the Palestinians will have to grain -- gain additional legitimacy and credibility with their own people, and delivering services. And that’s something that the United States and Israel can be helpful in seeing them accomplish.

The other Arab states have to be more supportive and be bolder in seeking potential normalization with Israel.

And next week I will have the Palestinian Authority president, Abbas, as well as President Mubarak here, and I will deliver that message to them. Now, Israel is going to have to take some difficult steps as well. And I shared with the prime minister the fact that under the road map, under Annapolis, there is a clear understanding that we have to make progress on settlements; that settlements have to be stopped in order for us to move forward.

OBAMA: That’s a difficult issue. I recognize that. But it’s an important one, and it has to be addressed.

The humanitarian situation in Gaza has to be addressed.

Now, I was along the border in Sderot, and saw the evidence of weapons that had been rained down on the heads of innocents in those Israeli cities. And that’s unacceptable. So we’ve got to work with the Egyptians to deal with the smuggling of weapons. And it has to be meaningful, because no prime minister of any country is going to tolerate missiles raining down on their citizens’ heads.

On the other hand, the fact is is that if the people of Gaza have no hope, if they can’t even get clean water at this point, if the border closures are so tight that it is impossible for reconstruction and humanitarian efforts to take place, then that is not going to be a recipe for Israel’s long-term security or a constructive peace track to move forward.

So all these things are going to have to come together. And it’s going to be difficult.

But the one thing that I have committed to the prime minister is we are going to be engaged. The United States is going to roll up our sleeves. We want to be a strong partner in this process.

I have great confidence in Prime Minister Netanyahu’s political skills, but also his historic vision (ph) and his recognition that during the years that he is prime minister, his second go, he is probably going to be confronted with as many important decisions about the long-term strategic interests of Israel as any prime minister that we’ve seen in a very long time.

And -- and I have great confidence that he is going to rise to the occasion. I actually think that you’re going to see movement in -- among Arab states that we have not seen before.

The trick is to try to coordinate all this in a very delicate, political environment. And that’s why I’m so pleased to have George Mitchell, who is standing behind the (inaudible) there, as our special envoy, because I’m very confident that, as somebody who was involved in equally delicate negotiations in Northern Ireland, he’s somebody who recognizes that if you apply patience and determination, and you keep your eye on the long-term goals that the prime minister articulated, which is a wide-ranging peace -- not a grudging peace, not a transitory peace, but a wide-ranging regional peace, that we can make -- make great progress.

QUESTION: Mr. President, the Israeli prime minister (inaudible) Israeli administration has said on many occasions (inaudible) that only the Iranian threat (inaudible) can achieve (inaudible). Do you agree with that kind of linkage?

And to the Israeli prime minister, you were speaking about the political track. Are you willing to get into final status issues negotiations like borders, like Jerusalem in the near future based on the two-state solution? And do you still hold this opinion about the link between the Iranian threat and your ability to achieve any progress on the Palestinian side?

OBAMA: Well, let me say this.

There is no doubt that it is difficult for any Israeli government to -- to negotiate in a situation in which they feel under immediate threat. That -- that’s not conducive to negotiations.

And as I’ve said before, I recognize Israel’s legitimate concerns about the possibility of Iran obtaining nuclear weapons when they have a president who has in the past said that Israel should not exist. That would give any leader of any country pause.

Having said that, if there is a linkage between Iran and the Israeli-Palestinian peace process, I personally believe it actually runs the other way. To the extent that we can make peace with the Palestinians -- between the Palestinians and the Israelis, then I actually think it strengthens our hand in the international community in dealing with the potential Iranian threat.

OBAMA: Having said that, I think that dealing with Iran’s potential nuclear capacity is something that we should be doing even if there already was peace between the Israelis and the Palestinians. And I think that pursuing Israeli-Palestinian peace is something that is in Israel’s security interests and the United States national security interests, even if Iran was not pursuing a nuclear weapon.

They’re both important. And we have to move aggressively on both fronts.

And I think that, based on my conversations with Prime Minister Netanyahu, he agrees with me that they’re both important.

That’s not to say that he is not making a calculation -- as he should -- about what are some of the most immediate threats to Israel’s security. And I understand that.

But, look, imagine how much less mischief Hezbollah or Hamas could do if, in fact, we had moved a Palestinian-Israeli track in a direction that gave the Palestinian people hope. And if Hezbollah and Hamas is weakened, imagine how that impacts Iran’s ability to make mischief and vice versa.

I mean, so, obviously, these things are related but they are important separately. And I’m confident that the United States, working with Israel, can make progress on both fronts.

NETANYAHU: We’ve had extraordinary friendly, constructive talks here today. And I’m very grateful to you, Mr. President, for that.

We want to move peace forward and we want to ward off the great threats. There isn’t a policy linkage -- and that’s what I hear the president saying, and that’s what I’m saying, too, and I’ve always said -- there’s not a policy linkage between pursuing simultaneously peace between Israel and the Palestinians and the rest of the Arab world, and trying to deal with removing the threat of a nuclear Iran.

There are causal links. The president talked about one of them. It would help, obviously, unite a broad front against Iran if we had peace between Israel and the Palestinians. And, conversely, if Iran went nuclear, it would threaten the progress towards peace and destabilize the entire area and disrupt the existing peace agreement.

So it’s very clear to us. I think we actually -- we don’t see closely on this; we see exactly eye-to-eye on this. We want to move simultaneously and in parallel on two fronts: the front of peace and the front of preventing Iran from acquiring nuclear capability.

On the front of peace, the important thing for me is to -- is to resume negotiations as rapidly as possible and to -- and my view is less one of terminology but one of substance.

NETANYAHU: And I ask myself, how do -- what do we end up with? If we end up with another Gaza -- the president described to you those rockets falling out of Gaza -- that is something we don’t want to happen because a terror base next door, cities that doesn’t (inaudible) recognize Israel’s existence, calls for our destruction and acts for our destruction is not interested (ph) in peace.

If, however, the Palestinians recognize Israel as the Jewish state, if they -- if they fight terror, they educate their children for peace and to a better future, then I think we can come to a substantive solution that allows the two peoples to live side by side in security and peace. And I add prosperity (inaudible).

So I think the terminology will take care of itself if we have the substantive understanding. And I think -- I think we can move forward on this.

I have great confidence in -- in your leadership, Mr. President, and your friendship to my country, and in your championing of peace and security. And the answer is both come together, peace and security are intertwined, they’re inseparable. And I look forward, Mr. President, to working with you to achieve both.

OBAMA: Thank you, everybody.

Monday's Israel-US Showdown: Iran First or Palestine First?

Related Post: Iran - Following Up the Roxana Saberi Case

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's visit on Monday to Washington is shaping up as a critical early moment --- even amidst the torture controversy, Afghanistan-Pakistan, and a minor thing called the global economy --- in the Obama Presidency.

The Israelis are sticking to the line that something has to be done about the Tehran menace before they will address other regional issues, in particular negotiations with Palestine. That "something" is unlikely to be military action; instead, Netanyahu will ask Washington to step up economic sanctions. At the very least, the demand will be that the US break off its "engagement" with the Iranian Government. (An editorial by Efraim Halevy, the former head of Israel's intelligence service Mossad, in Thursday's Financial Times of London is a must-read: "The 'sequence' must be clear: Iran first.)

Leading Obama officials, notably Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, have already countered that the issue of Israeli-Palestinian talks must be the priority. Iran's nuclear programme should not be the excuse (the Americans have stopped short of the word "blackmail") to stall on a two-state solution, which Netanyahu and his Foreign Minister, Avigdor Lieberman, still oppose.

How serious is the debate? Consider this story, which just emerged: two weeks ago CIA Director Leon Panetta visited Israel to warn Netanyahu against an airstrike on Iran. Consider, however, that Israeli officials framed this as a warning against a "surprise attack", leaving open the possibility that Tel Aviv could attack if the US was notified in advance.

And consider also this "information", first published in the Israeli newspaper Ha'aretz but then circulated in The Wall Street Journal:

The Obama administration and its European allies are setting a target of early October to determine whether engagement with Iran is making progress or should lead to sanctions.

They also are developing specific benchmarks to gauge Iranian behavior. Those include whether Tehran is willing to let United Nations monitors make snap inspections of Iranian nuclear facilities that are now off-limits, and whether it will agree to a "freeze for freeze" -- halting uranium enrichment in return for holding off on new economic sanctions -- as a precursor to formal negotiations.

What adds a bit of spice to the claim, implying that Iran has less than five months to meet US conditions, is The Journal citation of "senior Administration officials" as sources. The indication is that there is still a battle among Obama's advisors over whether to treat "engagement" as an ongoing negotiation or whether to combine it with guaranteed sanctions if Tehran does not make the required moves within a quick (in diplomatic terms) period of time.

That possibility, while intriguing, is still secondary to what happens on Monday. What President Obama needs now is not an Iranian concession but an Israeli one. If Netanyahu holds fast and does not open up the possibility of "genuine" talks with the Palestinian Authority, including discussions of political status as well as economic development and security, then Obama's message --- launched on Inauguration Day --- of a new day in the Middle East is looking shaky.

Of course, the two leaders may fudge the outcome, claiming success in an ongoing discussion without making any specific commitments on the next step in the Israeli-Palestinian process. And Washington is guarding against disappointment: that is why it left eight days between the visit of Netanyahu and that of Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak on 26 May and another two days before Palestinian Authority Mahmoud Abbas comes to the White House to see what's happening.

That, however, would not be enough. Obama has tied himself to an address to the "Islamic world" on 4 June from Cairo. His rhetorical approaches so far --- the Inaugural Address, the interview on Al Arabiya television in January, the speech from Turkey last month --- have been warmly received. This time, however, he has to bring something of substance to the table. Otherwise, it will be a speech too far.

Forget that "first 100 days" media fluff. Monday will be a true example of when the initial stages of a Presidency transform into defining moments.

Video and Transcript: National Security Advisor James Jones on "This Week" (10 May)

Video: National Security Advisor James Jones on "This Week"



The Obama Administration, trying to sell its foreign policy, especially on Afghanistan and Pakistan, is making a big effort to raise the profile of National Security Advisor James Jones. There were puff pieces in The New York Times and The Washington Post earlier this week, and Jones showed up on "This Week" on ABC Television this morning. Nothing much new in the interview, but interesting to see Jones being promoted alongside Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and Secretary of Defense Robert Gates.


GEORGE STEPHANOPOULOS: Hello again, and happy Mother’s Day to all of the moms watching. We’re going to begin with a Sunday first.

General James Jones, welcome to THIS WEEK, your first appearance as national security adviser.

JONES: Exactly. Thank you.

STEPHANOPOULOS: You all had a busy week this week. The heads of Afghanistan and Pakistan came here to the United States to meet with the president -- to meet with the president’s entire team.

And you seemed to be on the same page, yet after the meetings, the president of Afghanistan, Hamid Karzai, said that all air strikes -- all American air strikes in Afghanistan must end. Will the U.S. comply with that demand?

JONES: Well, I think that we’re going to take a look at trying to make sure that we correct those things we can correct, but certainly to tie the hands of our commanders and say we’re not going to conduct air strikes, it would be imprudent.

That’s part of the combined arms package and so we probably would not do that. But we are going to take very seriously the -- and redouble our efforts to make sure that innocent civilians are not killed.

STEPHANOPOULOS: Does President Karzai understand that you’re not going to comply with that demand? And what do you expect his reaction to be?

JONES: Well, I think he understands that we have to have the full complement of our offensive military power when we need it. We have to -- we can’t fight with one hand tied behind tied behind our back.

But on the other hand, we have to be careful to make sure that we don’t unnecessarily wound or kill innocent civilians. But the other side of the coin is that it -- what makes it difficult is the Taliban, of course, not playing by the same rules.

They’re using civilians as shields. So we have to take a look at this, make sure that our commanders understand the -- you know, the subtleties of the situation, the complexity of it, and do the right thing.

So it’s a difficult problem, but it’s not unsolvable.

STEPHANOPOULOS: President Karzai also said while he was here that he believes Osama bin Laden is alive. Yet President Zardari of Pakistan says he thinks bin Laden is dead.

What is the best U.S. intelligence right now?

JONES: I think the best intelligence is that we gauge our reaction based on what intelligence we have. And it is inconclusive. Secondly, we wait and see how long it has been before we’ve seen him actually make a statement, release a video, and make our judgments on that.

The truth is, I don’t think anybody knows for sure.

STEPHANOPOULOS: Well, let me ask you about that, because we saw some audio tapes from Osama bin Laden in both January and March of this year, and it’s my understanding that U.S. intelligence thought that those were authentic.

JONES: Mm-hmm.

STEPHANOPOULOS: So what has changed since then to make the intelligence inconclusive?

JONES: Well, as of March, they thought it was authentic, but we don’t have any firm information that says that that has changed one way or the other. So I think we’ll just continue to press on and we’ll see what happens there.

STEPHANOPOULOS: What does your gut tell you?

JONES: I -- my gut -- I would like to know conclusively if that’s not the case. And I think we have that evidence.

STEPHANOPOULOS: Does it matter any more if he’s dead or alive?

JONES: I think it matters symbolically to the movement, for sure. But it’s clear that that movement has been resilient in replacing their leaders as quickly as we are able to capture or eliminate them.

But I think symbolically it would be a very big thing if he weren’t.

STEPHANOPOULOS: Let me ask you about Vice President Cheney, he has been something of a media tour lately. And the big point he is making is that the Obama administration actions, repealing some of the Bush administration counterterrorism policies, announcing you’re going to close Guantanamo, ending enhanced interrogation techniques are all putting America at risk of another attack.

Now that is a serious charge coming from a former vice president. What’s your response?

JONES: Well, I would take issue with some of those allegations. And I think, frankly, in the Bush administration there wasn’t complete agreement with the vice president on that score.

The truth of the matter is that the Obama administration inherited a situation at Guantanamo that was intolerable. There are only two people had been - who had entered a plea, they both had been released with time served. Hundreds of people went through Guantanamo and were released. Many of those are back on the battlefield right now waging war against us again.

The Obama administration has put a stop to that temporarily as you know. We do have some decision points coming up. The president is absolutely committed to making sure that we recognize the rule of law principle, we don’t make America less safe and that we continue to try to find the right balance in what could be a multi-layer approach.

STEPHANOPOULOS: I want to get to more on Guantanamo in a second but let me just press this one more time. The vice president, former vice president says the Obama administration is putting America at risk of another attack.

JONES: Oh, I don’t believe that.

STEPHANOPOULOS: That’s clear enough. Let me ask you more about Guantanamo, then. Because the Congress has sent several more strong messages to the administration about Guantanamo this week. The chairman of the House Appropriations Committee, David Obey, did not include the money for closing Guantanamo in his war spending bill and Republican leaders in the Congress have mounted a campaign against bringing any of the detainees from Guantanamo into the United States. Here’s Senator Kit Bond.

(BEGIN VIDEO CLIP)

SEN. CHRISTOPHER S. BOND, R-MO.: Whether these terrorists are coming to prison in Kansas or a halfway house in Missouri or any other state, I can tell you this. Americans don’t want these terrorists in their neighborhoods.

(END VIDEO CLIP)

STEPHANOPOULOS: In fact, the Republican leadership has introduced legislation called the Keep Terrorists Out of America Act which would require approval from both the governor and the state legislature of a state before any detainees can be brought in. What does the administration think of that legislation?

JONES: Well, the first think I would say about that is there has been no decision taken. This is an issue that we are - the president is studying but absent the final determination this is all speculation.

STEPHANOPOULOS: But you have determined - you don’t know exactly how but because we’re asking other countries to take detainees, that we’re probably going to have to take some as well. Secretary Gates said that to the Congress this week.

JONES: We’re going to have to figure that out and those discussions are currently under way so it would be premature to comment on what the president might or might not do at this particular point.

STEPHANOPOULOS: But how about the legislation? They are saying before anyone comes back, a governor and a state legislature must approve. Do you have any problems with that?

JONES: Well, we’ll take that under advisement. These are near term subject that are currently being discussed and that is going to have to be one of the decision points and one of the discussions that we’ll have on this issue but it hasn’t been determined yet.

STEPHANOPOULOS: This - I’m just a little confused on that because Secretary Gates did say a couple of things when he testified this week. He did say that some would have to be brought into the United States. He said there’s this problem of 50 to 100 detainees who can’t be tried and can’t be released and we’re going to have to find a way. In fact, the Pentagon is looking into building a prison.

You’re saying now you’ve already made the threshold decision that some detainees are going to have to come to the United States.

JONES: Well, if you’re going to ask other to take some, you’re going to have to figure out how you’re going to have to do that and that’s where we are right now. No decision has been taken as to exactly how to do that.

STEPHANOPOULOS: Because this has become so thorny - the president wants to close Guantanamo by the January deadline. Are you open to extending that deadline? This has turned out to be quite a difficult decision to implement.

JONES: Well, the - again, the very discussions on these issues and how to do this are currently on the table at the White House. We are coming up on the 20 May deadline for a decision so there will be some announcements made in the near future but no decision has been taken yet.

STEPHANOPOULOS: But the president has not ruled out bringing back military commissions try them, either, correct?

JONES: I think the - all options are on the table. The president has said that at some point there may be a multi-layered approach that has to be developed in order to solve this problem but it’s clear that we want to maintain our values, we want to protect the judicial process and this president is not going to do anything that’s going to make American safe - less safe by bringing people into the country that is going to put ourselves at risk. That is simply not going to happen.

STEPHANOPOULOS: Let me bring up the issue of gays in the military. The president has said he wants to reform that policy, allow gays to serve openly in the military and actually a remarkable letter from the president was released this week to Lieutenant Sandy Tsao, who was a serviceperson who was discharged from the military because she’s a lesbian and there is this handwritten note I want to show our viewers right now from the president to Sandy in which he says, “Thanks for your wonderful and thoughtful letter.

STEPHANOPOULOS: It is because of outstanding Americans like you that I committed to changing our current policy. Although it will take some time to complete, partly because it needs congressional action, I intend to fulfill my commitment, Barack Obama .”

Now, this is in the Congress right now. Will take legislation to completely overturn but some of the president’s supporters like Congressman Rush Holt of New Jersey say that what the president can do right now is issue an executive order to review the policy and order the military to stop investigation and prosecutions while that review is going on, while the Congress is considering this legislation. Will the president issue such an order?

JONES: Well, that is, of course, up to the president. And this issue is something that has been brought up during the campaign. We have had preliminary discussions with the leadership of the Pentagon, Secretary Gates, the chairman of the Joint Chiefs, this is, as you know, George, better than most, this is an issue that is not going to be a light switch but more of a rheostat in terms of discussing it and building - having the discussions that have to be had with the military in order to make sure the good order and discipline of the military ...

STEPHANOPOULOS: And I understand that and this is a complicated issue.

JONES: So it’s a complicated issue. It will be teed up (ph) appropriately and it will be discussed in the way the president does things, which is be very deliberative, very thoughtful, seeking out all sides on the issue and trying to ...

STEPHANOPOULOS: But if the president is against the policy, why not suspend prosecutions and investigations while that review continues?

JONES: Well, maybe that’s an option that eventually we’ll get to but we’re not there now.

STEPHANOPOULOS: A lot of your former colleagues in the military, a thousand flag and general officers including 50 four stars have written a letter to the president opposing any change in the policy, saying that their past experience as military leaders make them concerned about it. They think it’s going to have effect on morale, discipline, unit cohesion, what do you say to your former colleagues?

JONES: Well, I think - as I said, this is illustrated by the fact that this is a very sensitive issue and it has to be discussed over time and it has - all sides have to be heard. But I think most of us who have served in the military believe that the standards of conduct is what determines the good order and discipline. So as long as conduct by all members of the military is not detrimental to the good order and discipline, then you have cohesion in the ranks.

But there is ...

STEPHANOPOULOS: But that gets to the heart of the problem. I mean, if you’re saying any kind of homosexual act is conduct ...

JONES: I’m saying that it applies - it has to be a uniform policy for all members of the military in order to function as a military has to function. We will have long discussions about this. It will be thoughtful. It will be deliberative. The president I know will reach out to fully understand both sides or all sides of the issue before he makes a decision.

STEPHANOPOULOS: But it will be overturned.

JONES: I don’t know. We’ll have to - the president has said that he is in favor of that. We’ll just wait - we’ll have to wait and see - as a result of the deliberations and as a result of the - in the months and weeks ahead. We have a lot on our plate right now. It has to be teed up at the right time so - to do this the right way.

STEPHANOPOULOS: Let me ask you one final question. Prime Minister Netanyahu of Israel is coming to the United States next week. He will be here next Monday and the Israeli newspaper “Haaretz” reported on a telegram, reporting on a meeting between you and a European foreign minister.

Let me show you what that said. It said that, “according to this telegram you told the foreign minister, ‘The new administration will convince Israel to compromise on the Palestinian question. We will not push Israel under the wheels of a bus put we will be more forceful toward Israel than we have been under Bush.’ Jones is quoted in the telegram as saying that the U.S., E.U. and moderate Arab states must redefine a satisfactory end game solution.”

Does that mean you’re going to press Prime Minister Netanyahu to full accept a two-state solution?

JONES: I think it means that this administration is going to engage fully. That is to say, using all aspects of the interagency process to make sure that the security of Israel is not compromised, that the issue of Palestinian sovereignty also has its place at the table. There are many expectations around the world, in the Arab World and in the European community that we are at a moment where we can make progress with regard to the Middle East. It’s going to take American leadership and American involvement and I think the signal is going to be that all levels of our government we’re going to do everything we can to encourage this longstanding problem to gradually come to - show clear progress that we’re intent on ...

STEPHANOPOULOS: Is there any way to make progress if Israel doesn’t say they’re clearly for a two state solution.

JONES: I think obviously Israel has said it’s for a two state solution, at least...

STEPHANOPOULOS: The prime minister hasn’t said that yet.

JONES: That was the position of the former government. And we understand Israel’s preoccupation with Iran as an existential threat. We agree with that.

And by the same token, there are a lot of things that you can do to diminish that existential threat by working hard towards achieving a two-state solution. This is a very strategic issue. It’s extremely important. And we’re looking forward to having a good, constructive dialogue with our Israeli friends when they visit Washington in the next seven or eight days.

STEPHANOPOULOS: General Jones, thank you very much for your time this morning.

JONES: It’s my pleasure to be with you, thanks.

Scott Lucas on Press TV: The UN Report on Israel's Killing of Gaza Civilians

Related Post: United Nations Report- Israel Deliberately Fired on Gaza Schools/Shelters

Yesterday I appeared, with Richard Millett of IsraelConnect, on Press TV's Four Corners to discuss the United Nations Board of Inquiry report on the deaths of Gazan civilians in the recent Israeli military operations. The conversation got a bit heated, with the presenter clearly taking a position against Mr Millett, but I hope the basic points --- particularly the need to acknowledge past actions if there was to be any hope of progress in future talks on an Israel-Palestine settlement --- came across.

Video (Part 1 of 3)

[youtube]http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=scdgbHpH3bM[/youtube]

Video (Part 2 of 3)

[youtube]http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=scdgbHpH3bM[/youtube]

Video (Part 3 of 3)

[youtube]http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=UoSpUp3qk0I[/youtube]

Breaking News: Obama to Link New Speech to Muslims with Israel-Palestine Initiative?

The White House announced yesterday that President Obama will speak to the Islamic world on 4 June in Cairo. The address follows his widely-publicised, and widely-praised, address from Turkey in April.

The speech, however, may be part of a wider initiative. As we reported two days after Obama's Turkey speech, the Israeli newspaper Ha'aretz was told by a senior US diplomat that the President would be visiting Tel Aviv and the West Bank in June. The timing fits yesterday's announcement: Obama will make another general appeal for "engagement", then have meetings and photo opportunities with Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu and Palestinian Authority leader Mahmoud Abbas.

The American media have not picked up on this possibility yet, so sharp-eyed readers may want to stay ahead of the game by reading signals from Washington and Tel Aviv.