Iran Special: Full Text of Mousavi Declaration for 22 Bahman (2 February)

Translated by Khordaad 88 and posted on the Facebook page supporting Mir Hossein Mousavi. The Facebook page also has the Persian original of the answers to 10 questions put by Kalemeh:

Q: We are approaching the 31st anniversary of the Islamic Revolution. How can the recollection and commemoration of those days benefit us today?

MOUSAVI: First and foremost, I want to congratulate all of our people on the 31st anniversary of our [victory in the] Revolution, particularly the families of our martyrs, our [war] veterans and prisoners of war [with Iraq].

Iran Snap Analysis: “Game-Changers” from Mousavi and Ahmadinejad
Iran Document: The Rallying Call of Mousavi’s 14 Points (2 February)
The Latest From Iran (3 February): Picking Up the Pace

Analyzing the Islamic revolution has not come to an end yet. There have been thousands of books and articles written about it and many still to come. It is interesting that the recent elections and the events following it have brought forth new critiques of the Revolution.


Some of these analyses mainly focus on the similarities between [these events[, some explore the similarities as well as the differences, and others seek the roots of the Green Movement in the Islamic Revolution. In any case, these critiques are very beneficial, particularly for the younger generation who are the main moving force of the Green Movement.

There were many factors that converged in bringing together our people, particularly the marginalized [people], under the brilliant leadership of Imam Khomeini, and led to the [victory of the] Revolution. There is much to say about this, but what I think is particularly relevant to our current situation and would like to mention now, at the beginning of this interview, is that in the 1979 Revolution, all of our people had united and were present in shaping the Revolution. This unity was so strong that it even took over the military bases. The historic picture of the officers of the air force saluting Imam Khomeini on the 8th of February is important in documenting this.

In the days leading to the revolution we didn’t have two groups, a majority and a minority, in the streets. Because the unpopular and dictatorial regime of the Shah had completely lost the roots of its legitimacy , it had no base left, even among the military forces. In those days even specific political groups with very distinct positions lost their differences and, some even reluctantly, joined the masses of millions in asking for “independence, liberty, Islamic Republic”.

Q. Can we say that the fall of the Pahlavi regime was inevitable?

MOUSAVI: The regime had completely lost its legitimacy. Of course, the [regime’s forces] killing civilians on the streets had a lot to do with this. The murders of 17 Shahrivard [8 September 1978] were a defining moment. If we look back, we see that if the Pahlavi regime had not betrayed the achievements of the Constitutional Revolution [which saw the establishment of Parliament], the monarchy would have survived and continued to rule with the role that the Constitution had carved out for it, and with the backing of the people’s vote.

From the beginning, many warnings were given to the Pahlavis regarding [their disregard for the Constitution], and someone like the late [Ayatollah] Modarres sacrificed his life for this goal. But all these warnings and reminders were useless, and within a few years of the Constitutional Revolution, despotic governance had taken over once more, although this time with a modern façade. The relatively long rule of the Pahlavis shows that during the Constitutional Revolution, the roots of despotism were not completely destroyed. And these roots continued to live on, within cultural, social and political structures.

I remember that in those years, one picture which the Shah constantly used to promote himself was a photo of a farmer kissing the Shah’s feet. In his view, this demonstrated the deep love that the people had for him. But of course, wise men saw much more in that photo.

Q. Would you say that the elements which, according to you, reinforce despotic regimes were eliminated with the Islamic Revolution?

MOUSAVI: In the first years of the revolution, people were convinced that it had completely destroyed all of those structures through which despotism and dictatorship could be reinforced. And I was one of the people who believed this. But today, I no longer do.

Today we can identify those very structures which have lead to despotism [in the past]. We can also identify the resistance people have shown against a return to dictatorship. This is the invaluable inheritance of the Islamic Revolution, clearly demonstrated today with the people’s intolerance for deception, lies and corruption. Similarly, the tight control of newspapers and media, the overflowing prisons, and the brutal killing of innocent people who are peacefully requesting their rights all reveal the lingering roots of despotism.

The people are after justice and freedom. Moreover, they are aware that the arrests and executions are politically motivated and unconstitutional. They despise the monarchy but are also aware that people may be condemned to death based on frivolous accusations and without even being subject to a legal trial. [The people know that these executions are only carried out] so that a brutal, ruthless leader of Friday Prayers [Ayatollah Jannati], one who has constantly defended corruption, violence and deception, can applaud them. It matters not to him that there are abundant forced confessions, and he doesn’t care that [those executed] have had nothing to do with the election. For him, what matters is the power of the executions to generate fear. He is ignorant of the power of innocent blood. He doesn’t know that it was the blood of martyrs that caused the Pahlavi regime to collapse.

From the revolution onwards, people have believed in freedom, independence and the Islamic Republic. The courageous resistance and the strength of our people and our soldiers during the eight-year war [with Iraq, 1980-1988] was a sign of the fundamental changes that had taken place in our society. We should remember that parts of our country were lost in the wars, crises and political games created during the time of the shahs.The courageous resistance of our people during the eight-year war ended this vicious cycle. And now, in the courageous, defiant, and Green rows of people who demand their rights, we see a continuum of the very resistance we saw during the war and the 1979 revolution.

However, we can conclude that we were too optimistic at the beginning of the Revolution. We can see today that the government, its newspapers and its national broadcasting network easily lie. Our people can see that in reality, the security and military forces control cases in the judiciary, that the judiciary itself has become an instrument of the security forces.

I believe that the martyrdom of men like [Ayatollah] Beheshti, [Ayatollah] Motahhari, and others during the Islamic Revolution was [a result of] the extended despotic roots of the previous regime that had not been destroyed completely. Therefore, I do not believe that the Islamic Revolution has achieved its goals. The Fajr festival [the 11 days leading to 22 Bahman (11 February)] held each year is, in reality, [a medium for people] to be vigilant and reinforce [their] strength in order to remove the remaining roots of despotism. Today, people are actively present on the scene to pursue justice, freedom and [the right] to rule their own destinies. We should remember that our nation has produced hundreds of thousands of martyrs in the pursuit of these goals.

The Islamic Revolution is the result of the efforts and sacrifices of our great nation. [Even] a slight ignorance and retreat will lead us to a darker dictatorship than before, because dictatorship in the name of religion is the worst kind.On the contrary, [the pursuit of ] knowledge as well as the primary goals of the Islamic Revolution, [which include] serious demands for freedom and justice, will carry us from a dark past to a bright future. This will destroy the remaining residues of dictatorship and pave the way for life in a free [society] where diversity, pluralism, freedom of speech and human dignity are all respected. I believe that the understanding of Islam which encourages calling people goats and is responsible for social divisions is [actually] influenced by pre-revolution dictatorial culture. The right thing for the judiciary to do was to pay attention to these roots and [influences] instead of executing a number of young men and teenagers amid serious rumors regarding the ways in which they were forced to confess.

However, as I mentioned before, we have lost all hope in the judiciary. A system that imprisons an intellectual, freedom-loving and religious son [Alireza Beheshti] of Martyr Beheshti, as well as others like him, sitting him under his father’s photo in the hallways of the courtroom, has moved far away from the ideals defined during the revolution.

Today, the prison cells are occupied with the most sincere and devoted sons of this nation: students, professors and others. [Security forces] are trying to prosecute them with espionage or charges related to financial or sexual misconduct, charges based on expired formulas, while the real criminals and thieves who steal public money are free. Instead of looking for the real spies, they accuse decent religious people. I should take this opportunity to express my regret that all of my advisors who are decent, honest and educated individuals have been arrested and that I am not with them. These days, there is not a [single] night that I don’t think of Imam [Khomeini], Martyr Behesti and others. I whisper to them that what was achieved is far from what they wanted. I did not name any of my advisors in order to pay my respects to all political prisoners. Iran will remember their names and their sacrifices.

Q. Can you give some examples of despotic mentality that are evident in the behavior of officials?

MOUSAVI: One can see the influence of this mentality as well as the remains of the despotic regime alongside the spirit of awareness and freedom everywhere. But perhaps the best example we can observe is the distortion of logical and legal relations between [different] branches in the system. It is very obvious now that Parliament does not have enough sway over the government in matters that fall under its jurisdiction. This is not an argument made solely by those who oppose the Government. Moderate conservatives who are aware also complain about these issues. Not responding to issues raised by the Supreme Audit Court, lack of transparency in oil sales and revenue spending, disregard for the fourth [development] program, destruction of the budget office to avoid audits and reviews, and so on: all are clear examples of a return to the pre-Pahlavi time. There is no need to look too far. A few days ago it was in the media that a minister objected to a question asked by reporters about teachers’ incomes by saying that it is no one’s business how much they earn or if that figure is low. You can hear similar comments from other officials as well as security forces.

Also, while Parliament has [openly] discussed the unprecedented atrocities committed in Kahrizak [Prison], one official says that the issue has been blown out of proportion unnecessarily. Another example given these days is the relationship between the Judiciary and its so-called forces. It is a question of whether the judges make the decisions or the security forces? To what extent can the Judiciary exercise its privileges when, in the Constitution, a great emphasis has been placed on its independence? In my opinion, one of the obvious cases that demonstrates the persistence of a despotic mentality is the injustice done to the [roles of] the Judiciary and the Parliament. Can both divisions exercise all the power bestowed upon them in the Constitution?

The similarities between today’s elections and those held during [the time before the revolution] are another sign. Compare the voting process for Parliamentary elections during the early years of the Revolution with that of today’s to see if we have moved forward or backward.

Q. One of the perennial demands, reflected in the slogans of political parties, is social justice and economic equality in particular. Sometimes, freedom and justice have been interpreted as opposites. With this in mind, is it possible to recognize a specific trend in the Green Movement?

MOUSAVI: In the Constitutional Revolution, people were demanding justice, and from this justice, a desire for freedom was born. In the history of human thought, the desire for justice has always existed, to a point where some scholars and philosophers believe that justice is above all virtues. I do not believe we must choose between justice and freedom. Take a look at our society, you can see that the $850 poverty line and simultaneous existence of inflation and unemployment are limiting the pursuit for freedom.

It is exactly at this point of greed for dominance and repression of people that demands for freedom rise up to show themselves. It is because of declining family budgets that distributing potatoes and welfare economy turns into a means to attract votes [by exploiting the] needs of people. An examination of the country’s current situation shows that the tight grip of demands of justice, especially on economic justice, on demands for political freedom is a necessary connection between the two.

Before revolution, it was a principle that the revolutionary forces and the academic class defended the lower class. It was their honour to be their friend. In my opinion, the point that all of us should have in mind is that of supporting the hard-working class. Of course, [that is] not for the purpose of using them as instruments but with the intention that the movement’s destiny will be tied to the destiny of all the people and especially with the classes who are productive in economy and science: the workers, teachers, and the academics. I regret that the intense political problems resulted in less attention to the lower class of the society, their problems, and their rights. When people’s standard of living improves, the roots of the freedom grow deeper in the society and unity and growth flourishes among people.

Today, those who are responsible for the misery of our people and the backwardness of the nation, and those who are responsible for inflation and unemployment and economic ruin of the country, those who are responsible for closing huge projects and setting us back compared to our neighbors, are misusing this situation by carrying out distorted, deceptive policies like injecting painkillers [into a body]. They are taking the country to the verge of ruin with the way they are handling the justice shares and pensions and the incorrect methods with which Article 44 of the constitution [on privatisation] is carried out. The future of the Fourth Development Plan and the yearly budget is of great concern, especially with the [Government's] incompetence that has resulted in the probability of increased sanctions.

In any case, the underprivileged classes of the society who care for Islamic values potentially have the same demands as the Green Movement. Those who are after a national consensus for change should become more integrated with these classes and also pursue their concerns and demands. Additionally, today we should all follow and be sensitive to economic news and analyses, because the economy has such a determining and crucial role in the fate of our country. These days the quantity of social and economic stories we see in the news [about Iran] is far less than the politics, and people are not informed as much as they should on these issues.

Q. A number of people see the solution to the country’s difficulties in moving beyond the Constitution. In your opinion, is this a real solution to our problems?

A. God willing, all of us entered the arena in the cause of reform, not for the sake of revenge or obtaining power or to destroy things.

Solutions which involve a transition beyond the Constitution are fraught with difficulties. The first of those is that the proponents of such a request do not have the capacity to attract the interest of the majority of our people. Without attracting the interest of the majority and, I have to say, without the creation of a consensus, we should not expect any fundamental or meaningful changes.

For this reason some of the slogans which lean toward moving past the Constitution have been treated with suspicion by the devout and by traditionalist institutions. Unfortunately, it must be said that sometimes these kinds of extremist slogans harm the movement more than the extremism of the authoritarians [who repress the movement].

That you are opposed to superstitious leanings and petrified beliefs and practices is a good thing. That, however, in the middle of battle, a debate is opened up that is incompatible with the religion and faith of the people is something of dubious value.

The next reason why moving beyond the Constitution is problematic is that, with such a solution, we are simply stabbing in the dark. If we lose hold of this connecting cord, the product of the struggles and efforts of past generations, we will be turned into little fragments without any character. Then naturally we would see ordinary people turning away from all this disorder and movement in the dark.

Those who are pursuing aims based on moving from the Constitution may well have control of the loudspeakers today, but in the heart of the society their aims are viewed with deep suspicion. In particular,
alongside the heralds of [those] moving beyond the Constitution are to be found, whether their presence is wanted or not, the repugnant figures of some monarchists who have seized the opportunity to display their hatred for the people and the Revolution. Those who include monarchists in the programmes they announce have apparently forgotten that the people have an extremely good memory. In any case, everyone should expect to be accepted in accordance with his or her weight in society, and not more [than that].

The slogans that are useful today are those which unequivocally help to make clear the aims of the movement, or which attract the sympathy of ordinary people to stand alongside the elites and the middle classes. They have to know that a decisive majority of the people consider 22 Bahman and the Islamic Revolution as belonging to the hundreds of thousands of martyrs [of the revolution and especially the 1980-8 war with Iraq] and that the history and character of our nation is, in city and village, bound to the yesterday of the Revolution by the chain of these martyrs.

Seven months of television programming coming from abroad, which has unfortunately become important because of the restrictions placed on media inside the country and because of the excesses of state television, has had its effects. Yet these effects are too weak for the people to give up the interests of their nation and their religious and historic demands. They [the authorities] should not exploit such a weapon [claims made on foreign channels] as a pretext for accusing people and suppressing the realities of our society.

In my opinion, efforts to push people to chant limited and pre-prepared slogans are an insult to the people. Slogans must well up from the heart of popular movements, in a spontaneous manner, not an autocratic one, in the same way that in 1978/9 the slogan “Independence, Freedom, Islamic Republic” welled up naturally from people’s hearts.

Q. Is it not true that reliance on the Constitution would close options for the future?

MOUSAVIE: I have said before that the Constitution is not a something that cannot be changed. It has changed before in 1988, and it can change again. By considering what people think and demand and what their collective experience as a nation dictates, we can take steps to improve the constitution. Nevertheless, we must be aware that a good constitution by itself is not the solution. We must move towards a [political] structure that imposes a high cost on those who attempt to disobey or ignore the laws.

I believe that the Islamic Republic is meaningless without the Constitution. In addition to care in safeguarding against violations to the rule of the constitution, we must also consider lack of attention or ignoring of the rules as a violation to the Constitution. It is exactly for this reason that the demand of "unconditional execution of the constitutional rights" is one of the determining demands [of this movement].

Furthermore, for the same [reason], we must remind those who advocate the continuation of the Islamic Republic that if significant parts of the Constitution, especially those articles in the third section [on freedom and other right of people] are ignored, they would start to have consequences for the establishment in the form of other causes. We must all be aware [of this].

Violating the rights of people numerated in the Constitution and refraining from recognition of people as masters of their own destinies could lead to falsification of this invaluable national legacy. For example, those who promote spying and surveillance to such an extent that it is normal are destroying the establishment from its roots. Those who constrain the media and assume an exclusive control over national TV help destroy the pillars of the Islamic Republic.

In the 17th statement [of 1 January] I had alluded to springs [of clear water] that could calm the strong currents and clear the muddy and wavy river if they flow to the river. One of these clear paths is to officially announce that we want to return to the Constitution.

Q. For our last question, please give us your opinion about the rallies and demonstrations.

MOUSAVI: Rallies and nonviolent demonstrations are among the people’s rights. I don’t think that anyone --- men, women, middle-aged people, or seniors --- holds a grudge against the Basij [militia] and the security forces because they are seen as equals. Conflicts break out when these forces stand against a calm movement. You can produce a documentary out of the thousands of photos and video clips from the days of Ashura, as well as the days prior to it, that would demonstrate how these conflicts and tense environments are formed.

My advice to the basij and security forces is to be calm and kind in their treatment. My advice to followers of the Green Movement is to reduce their identifying features, whether they are used to help them stand out a little or a lot.

This movement has grown out of a people and it belongs to them. Everyone should be extremely mindful of beliefs, values, and traditions. But we should never forget our final goal --- to create a developed, independent, free, and united Iran. This goal can only be achieved with the collaboration of all men and women from all layers of society, of all opinions and [political] appetites.

Let me stress this point: when we say Iran, we must take into account all Iranians inside and outside who promote our land with its [ancient] culture and religious beliefs. God willing, the Green Movement will stop at nothing in its moral and nonviolent methods to fight the revival of our nation’s rights. This movement has always benefited from its choice of green: the color of the prophet and his family as well as the symbol of an Islam of love and affinity. The Green Movement respects human dignity, freedom of speech and the people’s right to hold different opinions. It welcomes all movements that aim to promote our nation’s development. It represents the [civil and constitutional] rights of citizens, among which is social justice.

Q. Do you have a representative or a spokesperson outside the country?

MOUSAVI: In the Green Movement, every citizen is a media outlet. But the green path does not have a representative or spokesperson outside the country. This is one of its beauties. Everyone can talk about their ideas and the movement expands within a collaborative environment. As one of the members of the movement, I too will express my comments and suggestions in this environment.

Q. You are sometimes quoted on websites, Facebook, and other online sources. To what extent do you approve these articles?

A. My pieces are written by me and are issued via very few websites. I do not have a personal weblog or anything of that sort. The quotes that you refer to are an inevitable results of virtual environments, and I am not associated with any of them.

Comments

[Thomas]

Greeny,

I understand your point of view.

[ange paris]

Greeny
This afternoun, I have heard Mr Nourizadeh and Mr Sazegara saying that the statement of Moussavi concerning the constitution's change was a wink to SL meaning that time of velayate faghih is over and according to them, Moussavi said that thanks to vote of people, we had a constitution, thus if they want, we can change it without any problem; I don't like his disgusting tone about the monarchists, but he has changed compare to some years ago, so he could develop positively his mind, he's talented !
I agree with Thomas, if SL do what he has said in post 20, the regime will be saved, on condition that the reform be fulfiled.

[Roe Lassie]

Greeny

I love your insights and views of the situation.

Thank you

[pessimist]

behrooz

that seems logical from what I can understand.

Greeny,

you're saying what I said earlier about monarchists. But you don't answer my questions

You don't mention what I said about the harping on about the past and martyrs, and uses for national cohesion. I would like your opinion about that.

Ok about the fact that he is the first to admit the revolution has failed. And Ok about the slap, and as a coordinated effect with the others, because who else can he discuss with, all his advisors are in prison ! If you say it's a huge thing, maybe everyone will agree, and for us outsiders, we'll just have to wait for reactions and try to understand as usual, with all the different angles coming from in and outside.

Actually, much of this inside stuff (Rafsanjani/Khamanie/Yazdi etc,) is soooo unreal to people like me, that I can't help seeing it like kids fighting in their school playground. It's not just unreal it's surreal, like a mixture of esoteric/psychotic folks who are trying to 'play' as if they are normal.

I rather think that they are psychotically sick, with a veneer of normality.

[Greeny]

pessimist,

Re. “the harping on about the past and martyrs, and uses for national cohesion.”

In the Persian text, this part looks to me like the run of the mill IR statement: always say that we have what we have because of the martyrs. I think that Mousavi actually means this too. Remember that he was PM for most of the war with Iraq and almost every day of that war many Iranians were dying either in the fighting or in air and missile attacks in towns and cities. I think at least one of his nephews (the brother of the one that was killed on Ashura) was killed in the war. I am guessing that many of Mousavi’s decisions (as PM or as a member of the collective leadership of IR) would have led to people’s death. Also a lot of people that Mousavi knew and probably looked up to were assassinated during the early days of IR. In a way the foundations of IR are based in blood: the blood of the people it killed and the blood of the people who dies for it. Also martyrdom is a big thing in Shia Islam. Hence Ashura which is when one of the Shia Imans was killed in a place that is now known as Karbala. The Shia believe that every 11 of the IR Imans has been martyred (they believe the 12th is still alive and hidden). So martyrs are probably a big deal for Mousavi personally on different levels.

Also he included Beheshti (the first IR Judiciary Head who was killed n a bomb explosion in the 1980s) in the list of martyrs he named. Beheshti’s phtotos are everywhere in IR Judiciary buildings, as he is seen as the founder of IR Judicisry. Later on Mousavi spoke of his advisor Alireza Beheshti who is now in prison. Alireza Beheshti is Beheshti Sr’s son. So Mousavi could also be reminding IR insiders that the family members of the IR martyrs are with him not SL & co (in IR being a family member of a martyr is like a great honor).

Also this could be tactic to take away the mantle of being the guardians of the legacy martyrs from Khamenei & co. And basically to say, that we (Mousavi & co) are the true guardians of the legacy of the martyrs not you.

Bear in mind that right from the start of this crisis the opposition has been moving steadily to take from the regime what it used to take for granted. Up to last year the regime used to love public demonstrations like 16 Azar or 22 Bahman. Now it dreads them.

[pessimist]

Greeny, my glasses were clouded with condensation while reading your reply, frankly,, your words are powerful in that sense..

As a parent myself, I can imagine his position and I'm sure that all those young people in Iran today will read your post with (even) more understanding and feeling.

However it doesn't change the idea that maybe now, all that blood, all that 'sacrifice' etc, may and must, one day be forgotten, or rather be assimilated into the nation's history, as a moment in time that, as every other nation has had to do, become part of the present, with the the various 'agendas' of political 'pardon' or ' truth trials' or any other means, that can let the people get their revenge, yet with 'soft means'.. I understand that this isn't yet in the mindstream of many iranians.. well.. who can tell what the future will bring ??

[Greeny]

Pessimist,

Re. “However it doesn’t change the idea that maybe now, all that blood, all that ’sacrifice’ etc, may and must, one day be forgotten...”

I agree. They really have to stop looking at the past and the dead as if they are still alive.
(In my opinion there is a strong tendency in Iranians to look too much to the past and romanticize about it; be it in religion, national issues or political issues)

Also remember that the policies of IR (Mousavi, etc included) has led to a lot of dead and destruction in Iran. I don’t think honouring those who died defending Iran against Saddam is the same as supporting IR. After all, IR could have ended the war in 1982 when Iranian territory was liberated from Saddam. But instead they carried on with the war and it led to unimaginable misery. And now they pretend that they are the custodians of the legacy of the dead. If anything, they are the ones who have to answer for sending untrained, ill equipped young men to certain dead. Both Saddam and IR are responsible for those people’s death. As I said the foundations of IR are based in blood, and it has been feeding on it ever since.

I am not saying that we should start purges to kill IR officials (if anything in my view capital punishment should be banned in Iran). I am just saying that IR has no moral authority to claim to be the custodian of the legacy of the dead.

[Catherine]

Among the many eye-opening (in comparison to previous statements) assertions in this interview, one of may favourites is : "..dictatorship in the name of religion is the worst kind. On the contrary, [the pursuit of ] knowledge as well as the primary goals of the Islamic Revolution, [which include] serious demands for freedom and justice, will carry us from a dark past to a bright future. This will destroy the remaining residues of dictatorship and pave the way for life in a free [society] where diversity, pluralism, freedom of speech and human dignity are all respected".

Is this his way of advocating for the eventual separation of church and state?

[Catherine]

Last but not least, in an earlier thread Megan and Florence Achard said what would really impress them is if Mousavi were to admit he was in the wrong when he as PM stood by while thousands of political prisoners were executed without objecting or attempting to stop it. That could be a logical next step if his plan is to go from bold to bolder, from moral high ground to moral mountain. Who knows if this sort of admission a la Montazeri might not be in his deck of cards waiting to be played in a future statement?

[pessimist]

thanks for all the interesting input and answers to my questions. Important last point Catherine

[Mousavi on where the Green Ira]

[...] Full Text from Enduring America. [...]

[Mahdi]

Dear Greeny and Pessimist,
I read your all conversations and others statements too.
I found kind of realitisme in your both point of view.
Some points that I could add to participate in this conversation:
1. Not only Ayatollah Khomeini but also Reza Shah Pahlavi are both individual figures that have become kind of myth for Iranian masse population. One powerful although kind of dictator in the head of the country who is rolling in a paternalist way lonely is still one of the solutions in the statements of some of the people. This is I think part of what is called "the roots of dictatorship in the public culture" by Mr. Mousavi. But any way we must try to find convenience political solution for theses peoples, if we want to be accepted by them as a government. Although I think many of the people as myself see monarchy as a big step behind after 30 years of revolution and war and embargos. I was five years old in the time of revolution but I saw my entire family active in revolution and war losing the years of their life and their friends or families killed along theses years. Everybody was participating in the revolution of 79. And the family of shah and his military chives escaping the country are mostly considered by people the treats to the nation and living in fortune by stolen national richness. This is the real reason why every time that a protester is jailed or condemned is introduced to the people as a monarchist. I have friends who have active and jailed they are not at all monarchists but introduced like that facilitate their condemnation in the public opinion.
2. Martyrdom as you have mentioned is also very deep routed in the culture of this society. Arash or Sohrab are the first martyrs in the Persian mythology mentioned by Ferdosi in Shahnameh. And later many of Alavioune the children of Ali enbne abitalib who were fighting against Arabic empire under the name of Islam are killed and have their mauzolet in all small villages of the country, called Imamzadeh. And as you have mentioned in shiisme thought being sacrificed is the highest rank of greatnesse of the spirit. So even the prophet dead naturally by the belief of the majority of Islamic sources, for Shias is most probably killed by poisoning to be martyred. This phenomenon although used or misused in the history, is not something that could be ignored by anybody who want to participate in the government of Iran.
3. A forgotten actor in most of the political analyses, here and there, that you have well mentioned is Mr. Rafsanjani. His complex role everywhere, not only in the structure of I.R but also in the orchestrate circle of the green movement in undeniable. This influence is ofcaurse based on the encouragement by money or warning. Money is coming from national richness as petrol controlled in a big part by him and his mafia family. And he can warn who does not collaborate with him, as he has a big influence on the intelligence service of the country. He used this influence on warning to recover some of this kind of information for example against Ayatollah Yazdi. This was a real conflict, not based on blood but the power relations. Another prove for this pretention is the recent radical change in the ministry of intelligence and information, “Vezarate Ettelaat”. In the intelligence service there were many riches chiefs collaborating with economical mafia and against the real repression of the manifestation. This ancient members and chiefs are replaced by "Hefazate ettelatate Sepah"(the guardians of the revolution intelligence service) under the order of Mr. Khamenei. This example shows clearly how even there many responsibles were under the influence of Mr. Rafsanjani. They were against repression of the manifestations through the certain information approved by "BBC persane".
But now the big question is, Why Mr. Rafsanjani is supporting the green movement inside the country?!
A rapid look at the recent events can answer part of this question and for the rest I would like to know the idea of you Greeny and Pssimist ?
Mr. Ahmadinejad was clearly against the economical mafias of the country controlling by Rafsanjani’s mafia family who are controlling practically all the gaze and petrol richness and import/export monopolies and advantages. This is not something hidden from the eyes of Iranians. And this is why unknown Ahmadinejad was elected against Rafsanjani in the first mandatory. Another good reason for that; economical key ministries haven't been changed all along the years of Rafsanjani and Khatami presidential. It doesn't mean that Mr. Ahmadinejad didn't want to create a new mafia. But it explains a big part of the financial resources of green movement.
The second reason, that I can see as a young man who has worked in the high rank of Iranian government, is the interfering of Mr. Rafsanjani and his satellites every where even in the officially leader's establishment. He has the trust of the Leader as the leader himself has mentioned in his Friday prayer speech after the recent presidential election. Mr. Khameni said :" Mr. Hashemi is my friend from 50 years ago. I know him well and I trust him".
But as an eyewitness from inside and outside the power, I think Rafsanjani for Khamenei is as Marvan for Othman in the Islamic history. Marvan had the trust of 3the Kalifa and caused his assassination by his corruption and oligarchy.
So what will be the result of this movement in theses circumstances?
1. The continuity of instability and insecurity will lead people to wish a new dictatorship as it was the case for example before becoming in the power of Reza Shah?
As nobody is as powerful and as influent as Rafsanjani to define this dictatorship and its official shape, in the absence of the real political alternative parties and in the absence of strong organized opposition, I’m afraid to say that the danger is eminent. Will Iranian political system become like one of these ridiculous permanent presidential of the Arab countries?! Unfortunately it is strongly possible that the answer of this question is positive.
3. Isn’t it that: This is not the name of I.R. and even not really its constitution which is the problem? As we have seen I.R. of Afghanistan recently founded by NATO certainly better than Taliban government in spite of all problems. And as we see, named presidential system as Syrian who is a problem for the international community and stability of the region. Or monarchy systems like Jordanian, Morocain or Saudian governments which are the real producers of Terrorism in the world.
4. Why Mr. Mousavi has been supported to be candidate for this presidential election after very long time of retreat of political life?
Mr. Mousavi was a popular figure because of his socialist politics helping somehow poor people of the country during the war. He was also one of the three high rank political and military actors , Rafsanjani, Mohsen Rezai and Mousavi himself who has persuaded Ayatollah Khomeini to finish the war by accepting 598 UN resolution. So he was a good option to oppose Ahmadinejad when Rafsanjani himself has failed in the first presidential election. But he is not certainly favorite real person of Rafsanjani and his economical mafia to come to the head of executive power. So I am wondering really if this cold and warm position of Rafsanjani with green movement is not to keep him alive and active but enough weak avoiding him a real success as a leadership of manifestations?

[Greeny]

Mahdi,

Re. “So I am wondering really if this cold and warm position of Rafsanjani with green movement is not to keep him alive and active but enough weak avoiding him a real success as a leadership of manifestations?”

I think you forgot to mention one of the main factors in Iran: the people.

I get the feeling you are more worried about Rafsanjani than any of the other things that are happening in Iran. This is what Ahmadinejad was saying in 84 and again during this presidential election. He was basically saying: look over there! So that the people would not judge him for what he is but go for him as a means of apposing Rafsanjani. This may have had a limited effect, if any (together with the cheating that moved Karoubi down from the top two who went to round two) in 2005, but it failed badly for Ahmadinejad this time; hence the massive election fraud, which has also failed badly.

What you say about a possible coup being carried out by people around Rafsanjani may be a threat. There is also the clear present threat of current coup by Ahmadinejad & co on behalf of Khamenei. IR is now a military dictatorship with an IR as a useless label.

You seem to have missed the point completely that the issue is not Rafsanjani. It is the fact that all institutions of IR have failed: Ahmadinejad and his people cheated in the elections. Council Guardians supported them in this fraud and its members even campaigned for him. SL supported the fraud and certified it. He then ordered the brutal suppression of the people, turning a blind eye to all the atrocities of the IR forces (murders, rapes, tortures, etc). The Assembly of Experts failed to oversee the breaking of religious and legal rules by the SL. The judiciary has become a tool of the military dictators. The list if very long...

Khamenei, Ahmadinejad & co would love to scare people about Rafsanjani. But the point is not the danger of Rafsanjani (who BTW is part of IR and SL’s close friend and no more dangerous as SL and others) but IR’s failure as a legitimate system of government and its brutality and pitiful lying and deceit (example: Neda Aghasoltan, Ashura murders, assassinations, rapes, tortures, nuclear issues, etc).

[Iam_mark2]

Greeny-bankrupt idealogy,bankrupt economy,rusty technology,primitive export driven industrial base_see latest Economist regarding the feeble attempts to supply cars to Senegal,at half the capacity originally agreed, all means that no matter what Rafsanjani or the weasel Larijanii attempt to do they are simply moving deck chairs on the Titanic-I.R.

[Mahdi]

Dear Greeny,
Thanks for the answer.
All that you say about different IR political responsible are unfortunately right.
But you paid attention as Serge Michel who has mentioned this blog in his http://yahoo.bondyblog.fr/news/201002050614/la-course-tres-pop-des-chats-et-des-souris
but in French, I had two parts in my questioning. One is the fact murders sadly are committed and the responsible must be pursued who ever they are.
And the second and very important question is, our big "NO" to what is happening in the country now, is going to be replaced by what?
Just 30 years ago, the people have moved and tried just to remove Mohammadreza shah, but they didn't know what and how is really going to be replaced.
If all theses bloods are again just to insure the new mafia economy of the country and Rafsanjani oligarchy continuing controlling all national richness, then that would be just a very bigger mistake. Coming out of a problem to throw in a bigger one can not be rational at all.
I supported green movement very actively until now, but the more it passes, the more I see the cheaters and mafias are every where. They partly support green movement and partly IR and the leader. They are just trying to be as opportunist and as hypocrite as possible to continue their domination on milliards of stolen dollars of national interest.
So, I agree that Ahmadinejad has used this unpopularity of Rafsanjani family and general dissatisfaction of the people to be elected. But theses corruptions and oligarchies are the realities that everybody knew before being pronounced by Ahmandinejad. And by a realist political analyse I can see no positive issue for the green movement, if Rafanjani and his mafias are not uncovered concretely and not pursued judiciary. In another hand it is clear that the interest of theses mafias is in the murders to diabolise more and more a government which is their enemy. So who can be sure that they are not theme selves who kill people as Neda and Sohrab and others?! And if this is a power conflict between the mafias then why people should be killed in the middle!?