Wednesday
Jul072010
Iran Analysis: Crisis...What Crisis? (Verde)
Wednesday, July 7, 2010 at 7:58
Mr Verde writes for EA:
With his declaration this week, it looks like Ahmad Tavakoli --- leading conservative member of Parliament, former Minister of Labor, former Presidential candidate, cousin of Speaker of Parliament Ali Larijani and head of Iran's judiciary Sadegh Larijani --- has crossed the Rubicon of resistance. What else coud the following mean?
How else can Tavakoli declare that Ahamadinejad “is teaching others to disobey the law”?
Tavakoli is reported to have complained about the post-election abuses in Kahrizak Prison, the attacks on student dormitories, and the corruption cases against high-ranking government officials with corruption case (a clear reference to 1st Vice President Mohammad Reza Rahimi).
Tavakoli also listed Ahmadinejad’s illegal actions. Moreover, it is reported that Tavakoli said that, to impeach the President,a 2/3 majority of the Parliament is needed. Thirteen months into the post-election crisis, this is the first time anyone in authority has dared speak of Ahmadinejad's removal.
The Islamic Azad University dispute may have been the catalyst for latest developments.
The argument between Parliament and President had been fought for some time, so it is likely that this week's intervention by the Supreme Leader was a reluctant one. Although his verdict was that the status of the university remain unchanged for now, the outcome can be seen as a victory for former Hashemi Rafsanjani.
After all, Khamenei had consistently allowed Ahmadinejad to attack Rafsanjani and had refused to intervene on Rafsanjani’s behalf, even when the latter had requested the Supreme Leader's involvement. In his Friday Prayer sermon a week after the election, Khameni said that, although he had been friends with Rafsanjani for decades, but Ahmadinejad was now closer to him.
The fact that Khamenei has now been forced to intervene in the university crisis with two official orders is a sign that, after a long time, Rafsanjani and his allies have managed to force Khamenei into stopping or slowing down Ahamdinejad’s march on their territory. The cancellation of the meeting of the Supreme Council for Cultural Revolution and the retention of Ahmad Jasbi, a close ally of Rafsanjani, as Islamic Azad's chancellor, is also a slap-down of Ahmadinejad.
A panel led by the head of judiciary, Sadegh Larijani, has been set up to look into the SCCR’s decision about Azad University --- which backed the President --- and to report its findings as soon as possible. With a panel endorsement of the SCCR, the dispute can still go Ahmadinejad’s way, but for now he has been slowed down.
These manoeuvres could have created the space for Tavakoli to attack Ahmadinejad in a statement in the Parliament. The location is notable: speeches in the Majlis are documented and become part of the country’s national archive).
There are other signs that all is not well. Some Tehran Bazaar merchants went on strike Tuesday about new taxes. The stoppage is not new --- there was a similar event two years ago --- but by the end of the day the government agreed to scrap the taxes.
The "retreat", as it is already being labelled by reformists, comes at a time when the Government needs to show that it is strong, authoritative, and cannot be pushed around by the closing of shops for a few hours. You would have thought that the Iranian authorities would have at least waited a few days and made the pretence of investigating the grievances before giving in. The episode has left the government looking like pushovers.
Crisis…what crisis?
With his declaration this week, it looks like Ahmad Tavakoli --- leading conservative member of Parliament, former Minister of Labor, former Presidential candidate, cousin of Speaker of Parliament Ali Larijani and head of Iran's judiciary Sadegh Larijani --- has crossed the Rubicon of resistance. What else coud the following mean?
How does the President permit himself to refuse to follow a laws that he does not think is in his interest or even worse to say to astonished viewers on TV that I will not implement it?
How else can Tavakoli declare that Ahamadinejad “is teaching others to disobey the law”?
Tavakoli is reported to have complained about the post-election abuses in Kahrizak Prison, the attacks on student dormitories, and the corruption cases against high-ranking government officials with corruption case (a clear reference to 1st Vice President Mohammad Reza Rahimi).
Tavakoli also listed Ahmadinejad’s illegal actions. Moreover, it is reported that Tavakoli said that, to impeach the President,a 2/3 majority of the Parliament is needed. Thirteen months into the post-election crisis, this is the first time anyone in authority has dared speak of Ahmadinejad's removal.
The Islamic Azad University dispute may have been the catalyst for latest developments.
The argument between Parliament and President had been fought for some time, so it is likely that this week's intervention by the Supreme Leader was a reluctant one. Although his verdict was that the status of the university remain unchanged for now, the outcome can be seen as a victory for former Hashemi Rafsanjani.
After all, Khamenei had consistently allowed Ahmadinejad to attack Rafsanjani and had refused to intervene on Rafsanjani’s behalf, even when the latter had requested the Supreme Leader's involvement. In his Friday Prayer sermon a week after the election, Khameni said that, although he had been friends with Rafsanjani for decades, but Ahmadinejad was now closer to him.
The fact that Khamenei has now been forced to intervene in the university crisis with two official orders is a sign that, after a long time, Rafsanjani and his allies have managed to force Khamenei into stopping or slowing down Ahamdinejad’s march on their territory. The cancellation of the meeting of the Supreme Council for Cultural Revolution and the retention of Ahmad Jasbi, a close ally of Rafsanjani, as Islamic Azad's chancellor, is also a slap-down of Ahmadinejad.
A panel led by the head of judiciary, Sadegh Larijani, has been set up to look into the SCCR’s decision about Azad University --- which backed the President --- and to report its findings as soon as possible. With a panel endorsement of the SCCR, the dispute can still go Ahmadinejad’s way, but for now he has been slowed down.
These manoeuvres could have created the space for Tavakoli to attack Ahmadinejad in a statement in the Parliament. The location is notable: speeches in the Majlis are documented and become part of the country’s national archive).
There are other signs that all is not well. Some Tehran Bazaar merchants went on strike Tuesday about new taxes. The stoppage is not new --- there was a similar event two years ago --- but by the end of the day the government agreed to scrap the taxes.
The "retreat", as it is already being labelled by reformists, comes at a time when the Government needs to show that it is strong, authoritative, and cannot be pushed around by the closing of shops for a few hours. You would have thought that the Iranian authorities would have at least waited a few days and made the pretence of investigating the grievances before giving in. The episode has left the government looking like pushovers.
Crisis…what crisis?