Pakistan's War in the Swat Valley: A First-Hand Reflection

Editor's Note: We have been following with great concern the developments in northwest Pakistan, where Government forces are carrying out an offensive against insurgents and more than two million people have been placed. Karina Bracken, a colleague at our partner the Clinton Institute for American Studies in Dublin, met a Pakistani man whose family are in the Swat Valley. "Salman Ashraf" is a pseudonym, to protect the identity of his relatives.

It is in a cafe in Dublin that I meet Salman Ashraf, far from his native Swat Valley in Pakistan. He is gently spoken but speaks with sincerity and conviction about the recent events in his hometown of Mingora.

Many people have been watching the recent situation in Pakistan with concern for the state’s stability and the possible threat to international security if the region should fall completely to the Taliban. Ashraf’s fears are more personal and immediate: he is anxious for the safety and welfare of his family who live in the largest town in the valley. Speaking in our comfortable surroundings, he confides, “I was very worried last week. There had been a curfew imposed and my sister was still there. I heard on Friday that she had gotten out with her family. I was so relieved.”

From the beginning of our interview, Ashraf was careful to offer a context, going back more than 60 years, for the conflict:

In 1947 when Pakistan and India were divided, Swat Valley was left to rule itself. The ruler at the time was well-educated; he built schools, hospitals and roads. In 1969 Swat Valley eventually came under Pakistani rule. Under the previous ruler, the system of law was close to that of Islam. Justice was fair and swift. After the merge with Pakistan, justice was slow, disputes took years to resolve and the people became fed up with the system. Therefore, they welcomed the revolt in 1993 that brought sharia law to the region. Islamic rule was introduced into the courts system... but it didn’t work very well.

Meanwhile the Pakistani government tended to ignore rural places like Swat and instead focused on development of the big cities such as Islamabad, Karachi and Lahore. Therefore in 1999 another group rose up against the government in an armed movement, fighting for the introduction of sharia law – or rather their own interpretation of sharia. These people were professional fighters; militants who had fought in the Afghan-Russian war and today reside in the mountains. Some of the fighters are local, others have come from Afghanistan and some reports even suggest Chechnya. My personal view is that these are professional fighters looking for hotspots. They want to destabilise the region and the country. They are very well equipped, organised and modern; they are on a level similar to the Pakistani army.

Ashraf explained that the fighters initially "had some support from the general population of Swat":

You see, people were frustrated with the ineffectual justice system in place. However when the government agreed to the militants’ terms and the ceasefire was signed; they would not give up their weapons. “These Kalashnikovs are a part of our culture”, they would say. The local people finally realised that the fighters did not really want sharia, they just wanted to rule. That has been the case ever since.”

Ashraf explains that he is not against the introduction of sharia law, but he firmly believes that under the Taliban it would be bad for the Pakistani people:

Sharia law is actually very fair. These militants have no religious education. What they want to implement is their own incorrect interpretation of sharia. For example, look at Mullah Fazlullah who has attracted attention for his daily incitements to violence. Fazlullah used to be a chair lift operator, and he now broadcasts on FM radio to encourage the fighters. His father-in-law is a religious leader who also wants sharia law, but the difference is that he does not want to rule. Unlike Fazlullah he believes in a peaceful demonstration to achieve sharia.

Ashraf still has questions about the relationship between the Pakistani Government and its supposed enemies, "I have found it very strange that the Pakistani army have not been able to find Fazlullah and his supporters. Nearly every one who lives in the area knows where he is. It does beg questions about the organisation and overall aims of the Pakistani army.” However, he adds that, where before the recent offensive against the militants, there was not much support for President Zardari, now a large majority of Pakistanis are behind the government’s actions in Swat.

During the fighting Ashraf has been able to obtain little news beyond reports of the destruction of schools and the murder of policemen, whose bodies are often left in the town square. These actions, among others, were the Taliban’s attempts to intimidate the locals:

Now that people have left the region they can speak out, but in previous weeks they could not criticise for fear of their safety and that of their families. The Taliban have terrorised them. There is no one there to protect them.

One day I phoned my brother and he was very upset. I asked him why he was at home and not at work. He was saying that every morning there is a dead body in the local square. Even though there is usually a crowd, he does not want to go near it. But that morning he could not help seeing one of them. He said he had to come home as he could not stay in work. I am worried about how his will affect him, but particularly his young children. It is such inhumanity for them to witness. It is an un-Islamic thing to do.

In terms of fiscal support, the Taliban generally do not look for money off small businesses in Swat. Instead they look for big sums of money off the wealthiest. However, I have heard stories of them going to people’s houses and demanding that one member of their family must join them.

So, amidst this suffering, do the population support the militants? Ashraf answers with conviction:

It is simple. The large scale migration shows that they do not. When the fighting began, many fled the area. Everyone is now counting on the Pakistani army. The people say “We do not care about our houses, our businesses. Just get rid of these fighters and give us our Valley, our home, back.”

Apart from one brother living in Britain, Ashraf’s family are all still living in Pakistan. They have been directly affected by the violence, unable to sustain themselves and eventually having to leave. Despite or, rather, because of that displacement, Ashraf is visibly relieved, speaking to his family both morning and night. However, he looks beyond his family with concern:

They are staying with friends and relatives. Those in the refugee camps have not been so lucky. It is against our way of life to live in a tent. I don’t think that the Pakistani government will be able to deal with this humanitarian crisis on their own. They will need international help and aid.

But what does "help" entail? Ashraf carefully negotiates the issue of American involvement:

The U.S. should support the Pakistani government, but they must do it behind closed doors. If the U.S. interrupted it would just enflame the anti-American rhetoric of the militants and they could exploit the general weariness that the population already has against America. I can understand the feelings of the Pakistani people, but my opinions are different. After all, the only reason I was able to afford a university education in Pakistan was because I received a scholarship from the U.S. due to the disturbance caused by the earlier war in Afghanistan.

Before he said good-bye, I asked Ashraf if he believed that the situation in Swat could be resolved. His answer was very personal and very uncertain:

We have to wait and see what happens now. I hope someday to go back to Mingora and Swat. I want to go back to see my family. I want my kids to see where their family is from. However, I don’t know if I will ever be able to return.