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Sunday
Mar292009

Awakening in Iraq: US Ally Arrested for "Terrorism", Firefights and Kidnappings Follow

awakening-councilHere's a little story, amidst the mythology of the victorious US "surge" in Iraq, to make your head spin:

American and Iraqi troops arrested the leader of a crucial Awakening Council in Baghdad on Saturday, setting off a rare spasm of street fighting and raising fresh concerns about the troubled Awakening program, which has brought many Sunni extremists over to the government’s side.


A combined force of American and Iraqi Army troops and National Police descended on Fadhil, a Sunni neighborhood and former insurgent stronghold in central Baghdad, and arrested the head of Fadhil’s Awakening Council, Adil al-Mashhadani, on terrorism charges, according to Maj. Gen. Qassim Atta, spokesman for the Iraqi security forces in Baghdad.


The Awakening Councils are the Sunni groups supported and given huge amounts of money by the US military, who call them "The Sons of Iraq". In the American victory narrative, the Councils were encouraged to wipe out Al Qa'eda, leading to a sharp reduction in Iraqi violence.

That narrative conveniently omitted the role that intra-Iraq politics might have played beyond the "surge". With many Iraqi towns and neighbourhoods already partitioned and "ethnically cleansed", the question was whether the local Sunni powers being encouraged by the Americans could co-exist with the national Shi'a-led Government.

Despite the obvious tensions in that relationship, that bargain generally held, especially after Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki secured his power base in spring 2008. Now, however, the disputes are emerging with a possible vengeance: the central Iraqi authorities are balking at the deal for Sunni militiamen to enter the Iraqi Army and security services, and local leaders like al-Mashhadani are no longer in lock-step with Baghdad.

Thus, the charges of aiding and abetting "terrorism". Al-Mashhadani probably put the cat amongst the pigeons when he said too openly a week ago, "There’s a 50-50 chance that Awakening guys who are not very loyal to Iraq or who need to support their families may decide to join Al Qaeda again."

Thus, the far-from-incidental violence: fifteen people, including some bystanders, were wounded in the gun battle between US and central Iraqi forces and the Awakening Council militiamen. Five Iraqi army personnel have been taken hostage, with their captors demanding Al-Mashhadani's release.

Thus, the political unravelling of the myth of the "surge". Another local Awakening leader, Abu Sejad, accused Baghdad of treating the Councils with a lack of respect and said, “All of our guys are asking, ‘What about us? Are they going to arrest us next?'." Meanwhile, an Iraqi sergeant, "when asked what should happen to al-Mashhadani,...replied by drawing his finger across his neck".

My oh my. Where's General David Petraeus when you need him?
Sunday
Mar292009

Exclusive: US, NATO Talking With Iran About Afghanistan

us-iran-flagsThis week Iranian representatives will join those of other countries at the US-led conference on Afghanistan at The Hague. Most of the media will note this, rightly, as a breakthrough in US-Iran engagement.

Guess what? Those discussions have already started. The Voice of America reported Friday:
Asia's six-member Shanghai Cooperation Organization, or SCO, held a meeting in Moscow Friday to discuss ways of combating terrorism, drug-trafficking, and organized crime in Afghanistan. Among those invited to the meeting were diplomats from the United States and Iran.

U.S. Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for South and Central Asian Affairs Patrick Moon, and Iran's Deputy Foreign Minister Mohammad Mehdi Akhonzadeh spoke within minutes of one another at the SCO's Special Conference on Afghanistan.

While Iranian and US representatives repeated the political line that, in VOA's words, "it is not unusual for them to attend the same international forums", a senior American official emphasised that "the U.S. considers Iran to be an important player related to Afghanistan".

So, while Bush Administration officials (and US military commanders like David Petraeus up to last month) accused Tehran of running weapons to the Taliban across the Afghan border, their Obama successors are discussing how to work with Iran to secure that border. Even more importantly, those talks are coming in a regional context: the other members of the Shanghai group are Russia, China, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan.

The significance of the evolving US-Iran relationship of Afghanistan was reinforced by the confirmation that an Iranian diplomat had held informal talks with NATO officials for the first time since the 1979 Islamic Revolution. Senior NATO negotiator Martin Erdmann met with Iran's ambassador to the European Union, Ali-Asghar Khaji, and commented, "This is another good step in engaging Iran in the international community."

A NATO spokesman confirmed that the talks with Mr Khaji had concentrated on Afghanistan.
Sunday
Mar292009

US General: We Might Stay in Iraqi Cities For A While

austinPresident Obama has been a bit preoccupied with Afghanistan and Pakistan this past week, but he might want to take note of the words of Lieutenant General Lloyd Austin (pictured), the senior commander of US ground forces in Iraq, about the American intervention.

It ain't over.

Austin told The Christian Science Monitor that US troops are likely to remain in Baquba and Mosul after the deadline for redeployment to major bases outside the cities. Senior military commanders added that US troops will probably remain in Basra, Iraq's second-largest city.

Austin said, "In Mosul and Diyala [Province, north of Baghdad], as we do a combined or joint assessment of the situation on the ground, I have every expectation that both sides will say we need to stay with this a little bit longer until this improves."

Austin played now-standard double military-speak with the Monitor. On the one hand, there had been a dramatic drop in violence in Iraq since 2006. On the other, because it had to be "sustainable and lasting", American troops might still be needed past the deadlines agreed with Iraq last December and reiterated by President Obama last month:
At the end of the day, what I'm trying to create is sustainable security, and sustainable security to me doesn't look like just a couple of good indicators – attacks being down, numbers of IEDs [improvised explosive devices] being down. That's part of it. What it really is is the Iraqis having the capability to do this on their own when we leave so we are focused on creating that capability with them.

Why cast scepticism on Austin's assessment, questioning whether he is offering an objective reading of both military and political situations? Possibly because of his reading of the history of America's grand victory in Iraq:
I think it was one of the most incredible things our military has ever done. With literally two divisions – an Army division and a Marine division – we fought our way forward and liberated a city of 6 million people. If you lay that out and asked someone to talk about whether that's possible, most folks would tell you that's not possible.
Sunday
Mar292009

Concerns Over Mr Obama's War in Pakistan: Will It Assist the Insurgency?

pakistan-flag2Most of the US media are still caught up in euphoria over the proposed Obama strategy on Afghanistan and Pakistan, concentrating on the headlines of expanded US military presence, aid, and civilian participation instead of considering how local groups and communities will responded to an increased American intervention.

Once again, Gareth Porter --- who chronicled the internal Obama Administration debates over the strategy --- offers a different perspective. Writing for Inter Press Service, He lays out the concerns of those who think that expanded US strikes on northwest Pakistan will enhance, rather than diminish, the position of Al Qa'eda and local insurgents.

Some Strategists Cast Doubt on Afghan War Rationale

The argument for deeper U.S. military commitment to the Afghan War invoked by President Barack Obama in his first major policy statement on Afghanistan and Pakistan Friday - that al Qaeda must be denied a safe haven in Afghanistan - has been not been subjected to public debate in Washington.

A few influential strategists here have been arguing, however, that this official rationale misstates the al Qaeda problem and ignores the serious risk that an escalating U.S. war poses to Pakistan.

Those strategists doubt that al Qaeda would seek to move into Afghanistan as long as they are ensconced in Pakistan and argue that escalating U.S. drone airstrikes or Special Operations raids on Taliban targets in Pakistan will actually strengthen radical jihadi groups in the country and weaken the Pakistani government’s ability to resist them.

The first military strategist to go on record with such a dissenting view on Afghanistan and Pakistan was Col. T. X. Hammes, a retired Marine officer and author of the 2004 book "The Sling and the Stone", which argued that the U.S. military faces a new type of warfare which it would continue to lose if it did not radically reorient its thinking. He became more widely known as one of the first military officers to call in September 2006 for Defence Secretary Donald Rumsfeld’s resignation over failures in Iraq.

Col. Hammes dissected the rationale for the U.S. military presence in Afghanistan in an article last September on the website of the "Small Wars Journal", which specialises in counterinsurgency issues. He questioned the argument that Afghanistan had to be stabilised in order to deny al Qaeda a terrorist base there, because, "Unfortunately, al Qaeda has moved its forces and its bases into Pakistan."

Hammes suggested that the Afghan War might actually undermine the tenuous stability of a Pakistani regime, thus making the al Qaeda threat far more serious. He complained that "neither candidate has even commented on how our actions [in Afghanistan] may be feeding Pakistan’s instability."

Hammes, who has since joined the Institute for Defence Analysis, a Pentagon contractor, declined to comment on the Obama administration’s rationale for the Afghan War for this article.

Kenneth Pollack, the director of research at the Saban Centre for Middle East Policy of the Brookings Institution, has also expressed doubt about the official argument for escalation in Afghanistan. Pollack’s 2002 book, "The Threatening Storm," was important in persuading opinion-makers in Washington to support the Bush administration’s use of U.S. military force against the Saddam Hussein regime, and he remains an enthusiastic supporter of the U.S. military presence in Iraq.

But at a Brookings forum Dec. 16, Pollack expressed serious doubts about the strategic rationale for committing the U.S. military to Afghanistan. Contrasting the case for war in Afghanistan with the one for war in Iraq in 2003, he said, it is "much harder to see the tie between Afghanistan and our vital interests."

Like Hammes, Pollack argued that it is Pakistan, where al Qaeda’s leadership has flourished since being ejected from Afghanistan, which could clearly affect those vital interests. And additional U.S. troops in Afghanistan, Pollack pointed out, "are not going to solve the problems of Pakistan."

Responding to a question about the possibility of U.S. attacks against Taliban sanctuaries in Pakistan paralleling the U.S. efforts during the Vietnam War to clean out the Communist "sanctuaries" in Cambodia, Pollack expressed concern about that possibility. "The more we put the troops into Afghanistan," said Pollack, "the more we are tempted to mount cross-border operations into Pakistan, exactly as we did in Vietnam."

Pollack cast doubt on the use of either drone bombing attacks or Special Operations commando raids into Pakistan as an approach to dealing with the Taliban sanctuaries in Pakistan. "The only way to do it is to mount a full-scale counterinsurgency campaign," said Pollack, "which seems unlikely in the case of Pakistan."

The concern raised by Hammes and Pollack about the war in Afghanistan spilling over into Pakistan paralleled concerns in the U.S. intelligence community about the effect on Pakistan of commando raids by U.S. Special Operations forces based in Afghanistan against targets inside Pakistan. In mid-August 2008, the National Intelligence Council presented to the White House the consensus view of the intelligence community that such Special Forces raids, which were then under consideration, could threaten the unity of the Pakistani military if continued long enough, as IPS reported Sep. 9.

Despite that warning, a commando raid was carried out on a target in South Waziristan Sep. 3, reportedly killing as many as 20 people, mostly apparently civilians. A Pentagon official told Army Times reporter Sean D. Naylor that the raid was in response to cross-border activities by Taliban allies with the complicity of the Pakistani military’s Frontier Corps.

Although that raid was supposed to be the beginning of a longer campaign, it was halted because of the virulence of the political backlash in Pakistan that followed, according to Naylor’s Sep. 29 report. The raid represented "a strategic miscalculation," one U.S. official told Naylor. "We did not fully appreciate the vehemence of the Pakistani response."

The Pakistani military sent a strong message to Washington by demonstrating that they were willing to close down U.S. supply routes through the Khyber Pass talking about shooting at U.S. helicopters.

The commando raids were put on hold for the time being, but the issue of resuming them was part of the Obama administration’s policy review. That aspect of the review has not been revealed.

Meanwhile airstrikes by drone aircraft in Pakistan have sharply increased in recent months, increasingly targeting Pashtun allies of the Taliban.

Last week, apparently anticipating one result of the policy review, the New York Times reported Obama and his national security advisers were considering expanding the strikes by drone aircraft from the Tribal areas of Northwest Pakistan to Quetta, Baluchistan, where top Taliban leaders are known to be located.

But Daniel Byman, a former CIA analyst and counter-terrorism policy specialist at Georgetown University, who has been research director on the Middle East at the RAND corporation, told the Times that, if drone attacks were expanded as is now being contemplated, al Qaeda and other jihadist organisations might move "farther and farther into Pakistan, into cities".

Byman believes that would risk "weakening the government we want to bolster", which he says is "already to some degree a house of cards." The Times report suggested that some officials in the administration agree with Byman’s assessment.

The drone strikes are admitted by U.S. officials to be so unpopular with the Pakistani public that no Pakistani government can afford to appear to tolerate them, the Times reported.

But such dissenting views as those voiced by Hammes, Pollack and Byman are unknown on Capital Hill. At a hearing on Afghanistan before a subcommittee of the House Government Operations Committee Thursday, the four witnesses were all enthusiastic supporters of escalation, and the argument that U.S. troops must fight to prevent al Qaeda from getting a new sanctuary in Afghanistan never even came up for discussion.
Saturday
Mar282009

Today's Enduring America Contribution to Britain's Anti-Terrorism Campaign

In the spirit both of vigilance against Shifty-Looking Foreigners and a helping hand to the chronically fearful:

anti-terrorist-poster-not-lonely1
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