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Sunday
Sep062009

Text: Mousavi Statement to "Green Path of Hope" (5 September)

The Latest from Iran (6 September): The Reformists Speak
The Latest from Iran (5 September): A Quiet Phase

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MOUSAVI3

Our deep gratitude to a fellow blogger who worked diligently to provide this:

In the Name of God, the Compassionate, the Merciful

The honorable, free-spirited and vigilant people of Iran,

Nearly three months ago, when you participated in the tenth presidential election, you went to the polls with the belief that your votes would be protected against the power-hungry goals of a minority group. You had been promised this with the constant reassurance of officials and the hard work of civil institutions. But the systematic violations, fraud and the bitter events that ensued, created a great disappointment out of what should have been a triumph for our nation. With the mismanagement of the responsible officials, with the wave of propaganda propelled by state owned media, and with the attacks carried out by official and unofficial security forces on peaceful demonstrations, a problem that could have been resolved in a fair and impartial process, created ever greater fissures, uncertainty and deep, broad social divisions. The direct result of these events is nothing but a widening rift between the people and the ruling establishment.

A great number of social, political and cultural activists, the grand ayatollahs [marja] and the vigilant members of the [Qom] seminary reacted against the fabricated stories created by state media and also asked that such matters be investigated: the show trials which lack the least bit of religious or legal legitimacy, the long list of the victims, the inhumane treatment of the prisoners and the illegal detention centers. Anyone concerned for the Islamic Republic, the result of our people’s century-long struggle, and the manifestation of their efforts to achieve freedom, independence, justice and progress in the shadow of piety, is now worried.

What makes our efforts to find a solution out of this current quandary all the more necessary is the need to provide our territorial integrity, to guard our country against the voracious greed of foreign adversaries, and the need to defend the essence of the Islamic Republic. [We must commit to this] despite being fully aware that in the midst of our own state and quasi-state forces, there are individuals who know that the only way they can remain in power is by creating crises and catastrophes and keeping away from any attempt to solve the problems and quandaries in society – problems that they themselves have created. These individuals are still trying to hide and cover current crises with larger crises, and to take the level of their unwise actions to dangerous heights. To a point where after creating such levels of complexity in the affairs of the country, and without paying heed to the consequence of their actions, they are murmuring dangerous words and excuses, among them the murmurs about the great purge on free-spirited and devoted academicians.

Thus, it has become a crucial necessity to take a social approach (instead of only a political approach) to solving the current conflict. And this requires us to utilize the social capacities of the Islamic Republic of Iran.

A different approach such as this one is a belief in the plurality and diversity of beliefs existent in the great, ancient and pious family which is Iran. This is the path of the divine prophets and their predecessors, and is reminiscent of divine tradition and [in such a tradition] guidance only means showing the path and the responsibility of those who claim to be religious is to create an atmosphere appropriate for growth and blossoming of humanity towards higher aims and progress. History has shown that whenever governments have aimed to abolish or dim the plurality and diversity that exists in society, they’ve had no choice but to resort to tyranny – tyranny which exists in all guises, but in essence is the same everywhere. Such solutions do not result in a homogeneous society, but rather only create hypocrisy and dichotomy in the lives of people. To carry on such acts forever is both impossible and inappropriate, according to the teachings of the Koran.

After the events which occurred in our country in such a short time, who can deny that the condition which exists in our society today is the result of the hegemony of such wrong mentality in the macro decision making process in our country? Actualizing such a public conscience is a great achievement, and sometimes centuries in the lives of civilizations and nations must pass before they achieve it, and pay a great price to do so. However, our people were able to achieve this great deed in little time, and with [relatively] little price. Our people have now realized, with every inch of their being, that the only way for the peaceful coexistence of tastes and attitudes, social layers, tribes, religions and beliefs that live in this great land, is to acknowledge this vast diversity in lifestyles and to gather around an ancient identity which links all of us. Although those who have weak or backward interpretations of religion do not understand that this statement does not mean that Islam is not the righteous religion, or the last religion or one that paves the way to the right path, rather it means:

“لا اکراه فی الدین قد تبین الرشد من الغی”

(Let there be no compulsion in religion: Truth stands out clear from Error [Holy Koran])

We are stepping on path to enlightenment that has already rejuvenated the elderly and matured the youth. I ask for God’s help for myself and for you in our struggle and I hope that with the cooperation and companionship of all the sympathizers of the establishment and the revolution the goals of the nation will be fulfilled on every stage of this struggle.

That is why despite the regretful, bitter developments of recent days, people now have valuable, timeless convictions which are leagues more important that the election of one person. And this is what drives them to participate in the events of the aftermath of the election, and warms them to paying the ultimate price that they have paid.

In the months that ensued, great forces in our nation were set free, forces which have to be utilized to the best of our ability for the long-term prosperity of this nation. Our people know what they want. They were a witness to the portrait of their glorious will in the mirror which was recent events. They know they have the capital and ability to realize their wants and in this path, they have the encouragement and help of a mass of elites and capable individuals. Thus, we all now ask one another: what should be done? This question does not come out of helplessness and ignorance, but rather, what should be done with this great capital, with this renewed hope, and with these available resources?

Truly, what should be done? In answering this question, the first step is to know what we want so that this desire portrays the best and most of what we can want. If we err in finding an answer to this question, we have lost a great deal of this capital that has been obtained. There should be a great level of care taken in answering this question. The great force that our country has been able to gather has the ability to take the country to higher spiritual and material levels on one hand, or to plunge it deeply into a long, anarchistic decline. The results of our efforts greatly depend on our correct choice in this stage.

Contrary to what the state propaganda machines project, we are the ones that desire the return of trust and calm to society and we are the ones who abstain from any violent or extreme acts. We have very clear and reasonable demands. We want to preserve the Islamic Republic, we want to reinforce our national unity, and want to revive the ethical identity of the ruling system. A restoration of public trust is not possible without the acceptance of the right of the people to govern themselves, without obtaining their final approval of their ruling system, and without transparency in the affairs of the state. In the green movement that we have begun, we have no unusual or abrupt demands. What we want is to demand the lost rights of our nation.

Demand what rights? Firstly, the rights that the constitution has considered for the people, and our request for the full and complete execution of these rights. Indeed! There have been solutions proposed in the constitution to manage certain affairs which may one day not be the answer to the needs of the country and of the world. But the path to reforming [such quandaries] has been predicted in this same constitution. In our national covenant, the legitimacy of all the pillars of the ruling system is based on the trust and vote of the people. To a point where if you look closely, even a supervisory body like the Guardian Council is not far from the auspices of the people. Yes! In the constitution, the Guardian Council has been burdened with heavy responsibilities, such as overseeing the elections – [the Guardian Council is composed of] fallible humans who might fall into the trap of sin and wrongdoing and might be tempted by power. But in this same constitution, it clearly says that people are free to hold peaceful gatherings. If only this principle from our national covenant is enacted, be certain that no one in the ruling establishment will have the opportunity to misuse their power.

Our constitution is ripe with capacities that have not been met. Our officials sometimes act as if they are free to use the extra capacities of the constitution [to their advantage]. No! It will never be so. They are responsible for realizing these capacities, all of these capacities. The constitution is a monolithic whole, and they cannot stress or exaggerate those parts which are in line with the interests of certain people or of a certain group and to ignore or to only partly carry out those parts which stress the rights of the people. After thirty years, there are still parts to this national covenant [the constitution] that provoke the anger of officials as if the person speaking of them has spoken out against the Islamic Republic itself. Providing political and social rights, eliminating discrimination, legal immunity and equality before the law, the inseparability of the freedom, independence and the territorial integrity of the country from one another, the immunity of dignity, the life and property of people, the illegality of inquisition, the freedom of the press, the illegality of inspecting letters and wiretapping and spying on individuals, the freedom of political parties and people, the freedom to hold peaceful gatherings, concentration of government revenues in the treasury [as opposed to having them in various governmental and non-governmental treasuries], a [clear] definition for political crime and the presence of a jury in court, the freedom of expression and the right to be heard on state radio and television and the neutrality of this enterprise, …each of these has a specific article dedicated to it in our constitution. Principles which are easily and blatantly trampled and are carried out in ways which go directly against the spirit of this national covenant. This is carried on to a point where personal preference and tastes prevent the enactment of a simple article, like the right to teach local and native languages.

The same selective approach has been taken with the visions of the Islamic revolution. We want the restoration of those forgotten objectives and this great movement began in the hopes of their realization. There were mottos used during the revolution that using now makes some people [those who are against the green movement] unhappy as if they were slogans used by anti-revolutionaries. One of such slogans is freedom; freedom of opinion, freedom of expression, freedom after expression, freedom to elect and to be elected, freedom with all its beautiful meanings that our people had in mind as one of their most important objectives, which made them call their victory after the revolution spring of freedom. This freedom has meant political freedom and the right to criticize the rulers with no fear.

More oppressed than the Islamic Revolution, the Islamic Republic or the constitution is Islam itself – the religion of which much is spoken, but little is carried out. In most cases they screen religion, they forget whatever is not in their benefit, and they call their own [personal] tastes and expediency, Islamic Text. They go as far that lying becomes an inseparable attribute of State Media and the ugliest immoralities (torturing and killing prisoners and other shameful acts which the pen hesitates to write) are considered signs of commitment to the Prophet’s [Muhammad] religion. [The prophet] who was elected to enhance moral virtues.

If there is only one mission for a religious government, it is to prepare a background to allow people to live with faith. So why is it that our society grows more distant from faith day by day? This distance is not inherited from the revolution. There were many people who fasted for the first time in the hot summer of 1358 [1979] and they enjoyed this experience. That was what we inherited from the revolution. What we inherited from the revolution was the spirituality that we experienced during the holly war [with Iraq]. From the revolution we inherited great souls and the exceptional virtue. Our revolution showed that it is capable of providing the necessities that our society longed for. Let’s for once compare what we inherited from our Imam [Khomeyni] with what we have now in Iran: an ostentatious society where fundamentalism reigns; a society affected by fraud and deceit.

Taking a selective approach toward religion and aligning to our own tastes and profits, associating it with fundamentalism and superstition, substituting money and violence in place of wisdom and genuine advice, and bringing the clerics, this thousand year old tradition, under the government’s wing is not going to have any other result [than what has already happened]. When our imam [Khomeyni] was talking about the pure mohammadian Islam and putting it against the archaic Islam and American Islam, he was speaking of what is going on now. This backward interpretation might be named “Islam”, but is far from the real Islam. We want a return to the pure mohammadian Islam, this long, forgotten religion. And god has promised that he’s going to guide us to this celestial gift: “and those who make effort for us, we certainly will show them the way”.

Haven’t you seen that he [god] kept his promise in these past few months? Our lord didn’t ruin our faith and he is not going to do that, because he unlike those who make false claims is sympathetic and kind. “And god doesn’t ruin your faith. Of course god is sympathetic and kind toward people”2.

Our people have tasted bitterness due to the events that ensued [after the election], but who can underestimate what we have gained despite this bitterness? We feel the greatness of what we have achieved in this short period of time under our skin, in our flesh. What have we done to gain those achievements? The truth is that besides having faith in god’s word, we have not acted in accordance with much progress. Look at what has happened in recent days, each event has opened the ways of god to us, one after another. Look closely! If they close those paths too, the lord is not unable to open new ones in front of those who work towards his aims. Goals which are secure, smooth, aims which will, no doubt, directly carry us to our destination. “Why shouldn’t we trust god now that he has shown us our ways?” 3 With access to such paths, we have no need to disobey the law, to regret non-violence, to resort to destruction, or to enter any dead-ends.

And let’s look at the other side, at those who are opposed to the people [and see] how they are going astray. They throw the children of the revolution in prison to satisfy their illusions. What do they expect to achieve from this? They arrest the victim of a terrorist act and let the attacker go to enjoy his life. Did they expect to gain anything but to lose face? They left their wisdom in dead-end road as they were going downhill, and let those extremists take the reign, extremists who attack innocent students in the dorms in the middle of the night, extremists whose common vocabulary is only profanity.

Those followers of the path of god saw their hopes in god’s promises fulfilled. Have not those who went astray from the path too [referring to the recent hardliner currents] got what they were supposed to get? [We] Witness today the reservations [of those who have purposely kept quite] and the flatteries. [We] Smell the stench of greed, of avarice and of voracity of mouths of fawners. [We] Hear today how they [referring to the hardliners] are benefiting from a spokesman who abuses the holy medium of the Friday Prayer to encourage violence and takes pride in extraction of forced confessions. [We] Feel their fear, fear of loneliness, fear of the future, fear of their destinies, a fear that they hide by inducing fear in others.

The devoted People of Iran! There is an oath on the shoulders of descendants of the Islamic Revolution that they must not stop at anything to return the Islamic Revolution to its early fundamentals. This is an oath to your friends and companions [in the establishment] that in their struggle against liars and cheaters, they must not betray the trust of the social forces created recently. At the same time, we all have the duty to maintain our courage and not be afraid to rebuke if we view an action in the betterment of our country. According to these vows, I, Mir Hossein Mousavi, would not suggest anything but the continuation of the same green path that you have followed in recent months: The Green Path of Hope. You started this path before the election, and with your determined will you are still walking on it. A path that you keep maintaining with your prayers, with your voice [‘Voice’ is translated from ‘Neda’ which is also the name of one of the symbolic martyrs in recent events] with your God is Great cries, with your rallies, big or small, with your questions, endeavors, discussions, decentralized self-developing organizations.

We used the word ‘Path’ to allude to our movement so that we would not count our achievements in the way as an end. This would allow us to always look far for a greater perfection. In addition, in this path, we look for ways that the divine guidance would bring along to us. We think, and we seek solutions, but we also believe that practically the only ways that work out is the way that he [the divine] reveals to us.

On the path that God has revealed to us we have used the ‘Green’ symbol so that this may be a flag that shows our devotion to an Islam that had the kin of the prophet as its first educators – the same people who are also the kin of rationalism, kin of love and kin of enlightenment.

We chose "Hope" as our asset so that we can allude to our Iranian identity. This is the same Hope that has moved this nation through the most challenging corners of history, it is the same hope that that has ensured the survival of this land during its darkest hours; [The same hope that is now] the Green Path of Hope.

A while ago, when we started using this name to declare the features of your movement, some perceived it as a new party or committee. However, this path has nothing in common with, and it’s not an alternative to the official political organizations and does not deny our needs to such organizations. Instead, it is a broad social movement to repair and create some of the most fundamental political foundations that will influence all affairs of the country and provide the essential needs of various committees and parties for proper and fruitful activism. Certainly our society requires ethical and powerful parties to realize a stable political environment; and indeed, if a time comes when the contexts of an effective and beneficial political activism is realized then maybe I and some of your colleagues too may engage our efforts in the frameworks of a more orthodox organization. The "Green Path of Hope" however is not such an organization. Political Activism means that a group of like-minded people come together in a hierarchical organization. Furthermore, in a party the greatest emphasis is on compatibility of thoughts and coherency of opinions in the majority. Meanwhile, our path as a way that is supposed to lead to a renewal and strengthening of our national identity lays the emphasis on unity over minimal common interests; [Our organization is] a message-oriented one that is a collection of all the large and small civil organizations that have chosen a common goal on their path forward.

To continue and strengthen the current movement of the people, the actions we take appear like a dress that we as a tailor are sewing on its shoulders. The most elegant dresses would suit the movement only if it is cut in light of reality. The reality of the situation in our country has drastically changed from what it was before. Today, what plays the strongest role in our society is a strong and self-evolving social network that has stretched among a large group of people who are objecting to the violation of their rights. In our future decisions and solutions we must pay attention to this network’s unique features. As a response to questions like what do we do, what I suggest is the consolidation and enforcement of this social network.

The several-decade-long history of Iran that we have witnessed up close reveals to us that the collective movement of people has only become conclusive during the peak of the life, vivacity and fruitfulness of these cores [the social network.] When we talk about an active and alert society, and when we talk about a society that can effectively, willfully and creatively react to incidents and remove the possibilities of authoritarianism and irresponsibility in the constructs of power to act against its will [the society’s will], we are talking about a society that is composed of such a powerful network.

The responsibility we all have on our shoulders today, the responsibility which all groups, large and small groups, and even parties and political committees must carry is that we all must act as distinct cores to such a network.

Among the strengths of this network is the natural shape of its constituents. These units are composed of small but plural [diverse] groups of like-minded persons that know each other and trust each other because of their previous friendships, family or work relationship. It is impossible to disband these units because that would mean dissolving society. These entities have always existed but that is not sufficient to form an effective social network. Yet the first step in my proposed solution is that we Iranians, anywhere in the word we may be, should strengthen these social cores. We should build our homes facing each other. As the Koran says we should turn our homes into Qiblas [the direction that should be faced when a Muslim prays], in other words we should put our emphasis on these social cores that are foundational units of our society. We should become aware of their importance and more than ever turn our attention to them such that their concealed power is revealed to us. Turn your homes into Qiblas. If we used to meet one every two months, now we should gather twice a week. This is the real power of our social network.

Gather to do what? This is usually the first question we ask each other in this situation. We usually believe that what is important in these gatherings is the activities in which we engage. This is not a correct way to see it, but it is natural [to see it that way]. For this reason [the way people perceive it], these social cores are not productive if they are not turned into centers for effective action, like the fruits of a tree which are left to rot. Therefore they [these gatherings] should be subjects of religious, social, political, scientific, cultural, artistic, athletic, charitable and other civil activities, such that in the long run, and after the passing of these waves of emotion and chaos, they continue their history-making role as we would expect.

Family gatherings, neighbors, friends, Koran reading sessions, religious groups, cultural and literary centers, associations, parties, factions, unions, groups that attend athletic or artistic events, classmates, alumni groups, colleagues that have formed friendships, etc. Each of us is a member of a few of these societies that form a context for dialogue and communication between our social cores. The recent experiences have shown that the small media created out of these relationships can act more quickly and effectively than any other mass media only if the capacities of this network are realized through an agreement on a great vision.

We will succeed in forming effective relationships only if we voice a common ideal. [This common ideal can be] a profound and accurate slogan that is capable of catering to our needs. An important part of the capabilities that have been built into our social networks is because we have found this common ideal and vision. A golden balance is the important requirement of this ideal and vision. Such that adding to [this vision] might mean that some will not want or will not be able to join [this movement] and reducing from it will mean that certain layers [of society] will not be able to find their hopes within it. This is our biggest [social] capital and we should carefully attempt to protect and purify it.

The support of the majority would have been sufficient if we had merely participated in an election. But in an enormous social movement the majority achieves victory when it reaches consensus. And it will enjoy an unopposed legitimacy when it shows attention to the concerns and the rights of those people who might think differently from it now or in the future.

We cannot expect a society, where a considerable number of people are struggling with their basic needs to widely participate in the political process. Of course this relationship is two-sided. A society deprived of fundamental freedoms and knowledge is incapable of providing a living standard that [its constituents] deserve. And at times of legendary [oil] income [the government] not only advancing the agenda of a charity economy, but also, does not achieve anything more than conceding the market and the national economy to foreigners. It is our belief that freedom is sustainable only when it comes with equality. Equally important to restrictions for freedom of speech and freedom of assembly is the widespread existence of poverty, corruption and discrimination that darkens the prospects of reaching an ideal society based on the constitution. [This is] particularly [true] since the policies of recent years do not entail a clear remedy for this situation. The fundamental damage to the national production has made continuity of profitable economic activity only a wishful desire, and securing an appropriate occupation is the desperate concern of young population and their families.

The path of God is diverse. To oppose tyranny and dictatorship and to achieve a progressive Iran, we should not be confined to one [path] or only accompany our like-minded companions. We need a discipline in our relationships such that the abduction of our companions and the destruction of units of this social network by forces of tyranny and injustice do not damage its livelihood and dynamics. Hence, we can remain capable of distinguishing our future goals based on the collective wisdom at each stage, and march towards these goals in great leaps.

If a political faction whose delusion of power is founded on opposing the [will of] the public and their just rights has a desire to solve this crisis, the least they can do at this stage to achieve this [desire] is as follows:

We are stepping on path to enlightenment that has already rejuvenated the elderly and matured the youth. I ask for God’s help for myself and for you in our struggle and I hope that with the cooperation and companionship of all the sympathizers of the establishment and the revolution the goals of the nation will be fulfilled on every stage of this struggle.

1. Form a truth finding commission and arbitration that is acceptable to all stakeholders in the tenth presidential election and investigate the crimes and fraud that were carried out and punish all wrongdoers.
2. A revision of the election laws such that conditions are formed for fair and just elections which people can trust.
3. Identify and punish the parties involved in the atrocities that occurred in the aftermath of the election against the people in all police, military and media institutions.
4. Attend to those who have suffered in the aftermath of the election, and the families of the victims. The release of all political activists and people who were arrested over the election, and put an end to their trial, redeem their dignity and put an end to the threats and harassments that they are still subject to, [harassments like] coercing them into giving up their rights and take back their complaints.
5. Enforce article 168 of the constitution to define political crime, and try the political crimes in the presence of a jury.
6. Guarantee the freedom of press, changing the biased behavior of National TV, removing restrictions imposed on political parties and groups, allowing different perspectives to be presented in the media, especially national TV. Reforming the national TV constitution such that it can be held accountable for its illegal actions.
7. Put the created capacities to action in light of a reading from the 44th article of the constitution to create private television and radio.
8. Guarantee the fundamental rights of people, the freedom to assembly and rallies by enforcing the 27th article of the constitution.
9. Legislate a ban on the interference of military officials in political affairs and prevent intervention of military forces in economic activities.

We are stepping on path to enlightenment that has already rejuvenated the elderly and matured the youth. I ask for God’s help for myself and for you in our struggle and I hope that with the cooperation and companionship of all the sympathizers of the establishment and the revolution the goals of the nation will be fulfilled on every stage of this struggle.
Saturday
Sep052009

The Latest from Iran (5 September): A Quiet Phase

The Latest from Iran (4 September): A Friday Pause?

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IRAN GREEN2200 GMT: Another Reformist Fightback. Nasrullah Torabi, a reformist member of Parliament, has condemned the "desperate act" of the regime in applying pressure on the family of Imam Khomeini to cancel former President Khatami’s speech on Qadr Night and eventually the entire ceremony in the Imam's shrine (the first cancellation in 20 years), saying that these kinds of behaviour will cause people greater concern and have negative consequences in society.

2010 GMT: Striking Back at the Revolutionary Guard. On Wednesday we noted the declaration of General Johammad Ali Jafari, the commander of the Islamic Revolution Guard Corps, that former Khatami and other reformist leaders such as Mousavi Khoeniha, as well as Hashemi Rafsanjani's son Mehdi Hashemi, had tried "to pull down the leadership at any cost".

A reader points us to the story's sequel. The Association of Combatant Clerics condemned Jafari’s assertions and asked for a judicial response: “Is it inappropriate to ask the prosecutor general to appropriately respond to this slander and lies, and other similar remarks, which have incited public opinion and are the groundwork for dangerous plans, particularly as the head of the judiciary has stressed that any violator regardless of the office he holds has to be confronted?”

Mohammad Ali Tabesh, the Secretary General of the minority reformist faction in Parliament, went even further, “Those who gave the IRGC permission to intervene in the elections and those who gave the Pasdaran the warrants to arrest and extract forced confessions, must be prosecuted, rather than those who have demonstrated they allegiance to the regime.”

Tabesh added to his warning, "I advise them to let us keep quiet. We have so far refrained from talking about many issues in order to preserve the regime and the revolution, and not allow the enemies to misuse such expressions under these conditions and do not intend to talk about them. So I hope these gentlemen do not do something that will result in posturing when some truths and realities will be made which will damage the regime.”

1950 GMT: Grand Ayatollah Ali Mohammad Dastgheib has condemned the post-election repression, asking how those who have been brutally confronting people can call themselves Muslims. He added that these vicious acts and crimes by coup agents have tainted the face of Islam in the world and made youth lose hope in Islam and convert to other religions.

1940 GMT: Mehdi Karroubi has said that he will defend the values of the revolution and the nation's interests as long as he lives and will never give up on this effort. He emphasised that the continuation of the Government's post-election approach is dangerous for the fate and future of the country, destroying the “Republic”, and emphasised continuing the resistance.

1600 GMT: Ebrahim Raeesi, the deputy head of Iran's judiciary and one of the three-person panel appointed by Sadegh Larijani to investigate claims of abuse of detainees, has said that Mehdi Karroubi has yet to prove the allegations put forward in his letter of late July.

1545 GMT: Great Blogs Think Alive. The Los Angeles Times has also picked up on Abdollah Ramezanzadeh's revelations (see 1305 GMT) about his 80-day detention in Evin Prison.

1410 GMT: The Los Angeles Times has now offered their own summary of the Mousavi statement (see 1215 GMT), highlighting this extract: "We shouldn't leave any stone unturned and live up to our commitments in our struggle against cheaters and liars. In pursuing our cause we should brave all the accusations, and we shouldn't duck any act of courage or daring."

1400 GMT: An Iranian website is featuring an interview with a staff member of Behesht-e-Zahra cemetery, giving details of the alleged secret burials of 40 protestors killed in post-election conflict.

An Iranian activist has provided an English summary via Twitter.

1305 GMT: Abdollah Ramezanzadeh, the Presidential spokesman in the Khatami Government who was held for almost three months in Evin Prison, has been interviewed by a reporter after his appearance in an Iranian "media court" on other charges:
I was arrested 2 hours after the election on the street by soldiers and was treated very harshly. During the arrest, my young son and I both were beaten. I sustained a cracked skull and broken ribs. Despite the obvious injuries I had, in Evin they only provided me with tissue paper to cover my wounds.

After 80 days in detention I still don't know what I am being charged with. I have been interrogated many times, blind folded, the interrogator stood behind me the entire time. I have been in solitary the entire time and have only had one family visit.

1225 GMT: Parleman News is reporting that, in preparation for a meeting with the special committee of Parliament investigating detentions, a judiciary representative is indicating there should be no more arrests and a release of all those detained on minor charges.

1215 GMT: Mir Hossein Mousavi has released a statement, which reached us via his wife Zahra Rahnavard's Facebook page, declaring,
Contrary to what the propaganda machine of the coup [Government] is trying to imply, it is we who are demanding the return of trust and peace to society and it is we who are avoiding any radical and violent act.We have very clear and logical demands. We demand strengthening national unity, the recovery of the moral and ethical identity of the establishment, and rebuilding the public trust as the main component of the political power structure of the country, which is not possible except by accepting people’s rights and gaining their consent in the outcomes of governmental matters and transparency in all measures by the continuous flow of information.

A full English translation is promised soon.

1200 GMT: Such a slow day on the domestic front that we will note the nuclear programme story. The Iranian Government is playing a carrot-and-stick game with the "5+1" powers (US, UK, Germany, France, Russia, and China). On the one hand, the secretary of the National Security Council, Saeed Jalili, is saying that Tehran will deliver a proposal next week "for fresh talks". On the other hand, Iranian envoy Ali Asghar Soltanieh has delivered a letter to the International Atomic Energy Agency, saying that the agency has not provided "genuine" documents on allegations of a possible nuclear weapons programme and the matter is "closed."

Iran's position, in contrast to the Agency's claim that it had seen "multiple documents from multiple countries", is that the allegations are based solely on American fabrication of an "Iranian laptop" with the material: "The government of the United States has not handed over original documents to the agency since it does not in fact have any authenticated document and all it has are forged documents."

0655 GMT: As I type, I am watching Press TV's feature "Iran Today". It is covering the current political situation, highlighting the Parliament approval of the Ahmadinejad Cabinet. However, it is also striking that it notes the post-election protests and "the opposition has not been appeased".

The conclusion? "The challenges during Ahmadinejad's 2nd term are many", including unemployment, the budget, inflation, poverty, subsidies, and oil experts, "but these could be turned into opportunities by his new Cabinet members".

0630 GMT: The political lull continues this morning, as all sides regroup and reassess after the week's events, dominated by the negotiations over the Ahmadinejad Cabinet. We could re-post both yesterday's introductory update and the analysis "Has Ahmadinejad Won?" (where there has been an outstanding debate amongst readers) with no changes.

State media will make great play today of a visit by Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez to Tehran and his declaration of support for the Iranian nuclear programme. The Islamic Republic News Agency declares, "A New Club is Born." It's the first appearance by a foreign leader in Iran after the election, apart from brief trips by the King of Oman and Syria's Bashir al-Assad.
Friday
Sep042009

The Latest from Iran (4 September): A Friday Pause?

NEW Neda Update: The Appeal for Her Detained Fiance, Caspian Makan
NEW Iran: Satire Becomes “News” – Ahmadinejad’s Ayatollah and Prisoner Rape
Latest Iran Video: The Ruholamini Memorial (3 September)
The Latest from Iran (3 September): Ahmadinejad Gets His Cabinet

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RUHOLAMINI

2015 GMT: Being a Detainee is Jolly Nice. Fars News has run an "interview" with Saeed Hajjarian in which the reformist politician expresses “his satisfaction about his condition in prison.” Hajjarian denies “being hospitalized, being subjected to harsh forms of torture or given mind-altering drugs.”

Hajjarian's daughter Zeinab offers a different picture, writing Ayatollah Mousavi Ardebili, that her mother is under severe pressure from Government interrogators and that her father has told the authorities, “I have followed your dictates and announced that my situation in prison is satisfactory. Why don’t you leave my family alone?”

1405 GMT: There Goes My Visiting Professor Post at Tehran University. At Friday prayers in Tehran, Ayatollah Mohammad Emami Kashani has declared that the study of the humanities is very important but the subjects should be not be taught in "the Western style".

Reuters' take on the address is that Kashani tried to turn attention away from Iran's legitimacy crisis towards its influence overseas: "It is now the time to export the revolution...it is not the time to treat each other like this. Such remarks cause damage to the Islamic society and prevent the export of the revolution."

1355 GMT: Making Supreme Lemonade out of Cabinet Lemons. Full credit to Press TV and Fars News for their conversion of potential criticism of yesterday's vote of confidence into high praise for the Supreme Leader.

Here was their challenge. The Vice Speaker of the Iranian Parliament, Mohammad Reza Bahonar, has revealed that up to 9 of the 21 Ministers nominated by President Ahmadinejad were not winning over the Parliament, "If we had not received the Leader's recommendations, eight or nine ministers would have failed to win the vote of confidence. It would not have been a good start for the government."

Hmm....that's not high praise for Ahmadinejad's people, and it seems to indicate the Supreme Leader interfered in a Parliamentary process. But wait. Press TV sticks that admission in the 7th paragraph, far below the "right" interpretation:
Iran's vice speaker, Mohammad-Reza Bahonar, has hailed the Leader of the Islamic Revolution for providing Parliament with "friendly" guidance on clearing President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's nominees for his cabinet.

Ayatollah Seyyed Ali Khamenei "recommended that the government should start working at the earliest and with fullest capacity at the time when the country is faced with domestic and international crises and issues," Fars News Agency quoted Bahonar as saying on Thursday.

Well played, sir. Very well played.

1335 GMT: A full list of the 72 people whose deaths have been confirmed in post-election violence has now been posted on the Internet.

1325 GMT: After a quiet morning, some items of interest are emerging. Khabar carries an interview with a Revolutionary Guard member describing the capture of leading reformists such as Saeed Hajjarian and the methods used to make them "confess".

1040 GMT: The Holy Shrine of Imam Khomeini has announced the cancellation of all forthcoming events during Ramadan. Former President Khatami was due to speak at the shrine next week, with Green movement activists discussing a rally in support.

1035 GMT: Mohammad Reza Bahonar, a Deputy Speaker of the Iranian Parliament, has claimed that the Supreme Leader's intervention was necessary for the approval of Foreign Minister Manouchehr Mottaki and five other ministers (oil, industry, trade, cooperatives, and transport).

1030 GMT: We've just posted a warning about running too quickly with "news" on Iran, documenting how a satirical piece on Ayatollah Mesbah Yazdi authorising rape of prisoners turned into "reality".

0930 GMT: Still very quiet on news front, so we'll happily note that Josh Shahryar's excellent dissection of the "pro-Ahmadinejad" argument on the Iranian election --- which we posted on Tuesday --- has now made it to The Huffington Post.

0730 GMT: With news slowing after yesterday's events in Parliament, we've taken the time to write an extended analysis of the current and future political and economic situation, "Has Ahmadinejad Won?" Thanks to all our readers, whose comments yesterday were invaluable.

Away from Parliament, the "40th day" memorial ceremony for Mohsen Ruholamini (pictured), who died in detention in Evin Prison, took place yesterday at Vali-e Asr Mosque in Tehran. Since Ruholamini's father, Abdolhossein Ruholamini, is a prominent "conservative" political activist and advisor to Presidential candidate Mohsen Rezaei, the authorities posed no obstacle, as they have been with other memorials for slain protestors. We've posted the video in a separate entry.
Friday
Sep042009

Neda Update: The Appeal for Her Fiance, Caspian Makan

The Latest from Iran (4 September): A Friday Pause?

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NEDA MAKANI don't think that this story, after all the iconic treatment of the shooting of Neda Agha Soltan on 20 June by Basij militia, has received much attention. From Amnesty International:
Tehran resident Caspian Makan, who was the fiancé of Neda Agha Soltan, a young woman killed in the recent protests in Iran, is in detention in Evin Prison. Amnesty International believes that he is being held because he witnessed her murder and later made a statement linking her killing to a member of Iran’s Basij militia. He is at risk of torture or other ill-treatment....

Caspian Makan was arrested at his home in north Tehran on 26 June. He had told BBC Persian TV, in an interview on 22 June that “Eyewitnesses and video footage […] clearly show that probably Basij paramilitaries […] deliberately targeted her”....

Caspian Makan is reported to have told his family that if he signs a “confession” saying that the PMOI [People's Mujahideen Organisation of Iran], a political body banned in Iran since 1981, killed her, then he may be released from Evin Prison in Tehran. Amnesty International fears that he  may be forced to sign such a “confession” under torture or other ill-treatment, given the pattern of human rights violations
following the election. He may be a prisoner of conscience, held for peacefully exercising his right to freedom of expression.

Amnesty have asked those who are concerned to send appeals for Makan's release to the Supreme Leader and to head of Iran's judiciary, Sadegh Larijani.
Friday
Sep042009

Iran: OK, The Cabinet's In, Has Ahmadinejad "Won"?

The Latest from Iran (4 September): A Friday Pause?
The Latest from Iran (3 September): Ahmadinejad Gets His Cabinet

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AHMADINEJAD2Today, on Iran's "weekend", should be a political catch-your-breath day after the culmination of Parliament's approval of 18 of 21 proposed Ministers for the Ahmadinejad Cabinet. News slowed to a standstill last night, and there is almost nothing of significance this morning. There are Friday prayers in Tehran, but no sign that they will produce the headline statements of the last three months, from the Supreme Leader's 19 June drawing of the post-election line to Hashemi Rafsanjani's 14 July intervention to President Ahmadinejad's hard-line anti-opposition pitch last week.

The President's immediate victory, with one unexpected minor setback (the loss of his proposed Minister of Energy), does not mean that the battle is over. Far from it. However, to appreciate the tensions, contests, and manoeuvres, you have to read far beyond "mainstream" coverage, especially outside Iran.

Most of the Western press have pretty much lost the plot. That's why, to our obvious frustration, almost all (with the notable exception of The New York Times) offered simple and misleading reviews of the final Parliament act yesterday. For some, the vote was the signal to move the focus to Iran's nuclear programme. For some, it was the quick grab headline of the Islamic Republic's first woman minister or Mr Most Wanted (Ahmad Vahidi, for a 1994 bombing in Argentina) becoming the Minister of Defense. For others, it was a "white flag" moment for the opposition, as Iran's "hardliners" had united behind the President. Game over.

Wrong. To be honest, I found yesterday's discussion by readers on our updates far more fascinating and useful than the press summaries. (Thanks, by the way, to all who have contributed.) Have a look, because it is here that the next steps of Hashemi Rafsanjani --- who dropped out of the non-Iranian narrative of events --- are considered. It is here that the important matter of the Islamic Revolution Guard Corps, and its relationship with the President and the Supreme Leader, is in play.

And it is here that attention is paid to those conservative and principlist elements who continue to dislike and even move against Ahmadinejad, even if they did not make their stand yesterday. What now for the Larijanis --- Ali still as Speaker of the Parliament, Sadegh as head of judiciary --- and their allies? What now for high-profile MPs like Ali Motahari and Ahmad Tavakoli, who have bitterly challenged the President and his inner circle since mid-July? What now for those who saw the in-fighting at Ministries like Intelligence as an attempt by Ahmadinejad (and the IRGC) to expand their control and who didn't take too kindly to it?

(And, lest we forget, our question from last week is not resolved, despite Ayatollah Khamenei's open intervention to assist with confirmation of the Cabinet, "What now for the Supreme Leader?")

For us, the post-election crisis has never been a matter of a single, dramatic showdown between the regime and its opponents but a series of waves, inside and outside the Government. There was the immediate wave of mass demonstrations (which were renewed at points throughout July), the wave of resistance to Ahmadinejad's inauguration, the wave of response to the detentions and trials, fed both by Mehdi Karroubi's initiatives and by conservative/principlist disquiet, and the wave that led up to yesterday's vote.

Clearly, the wave of resistance to an Ahmadinejad Cabinet is now dissipated. Indeed, I think it is now fair to drop the label "post-election crisis". Despite all those who will never believe that Mahmoud Ahmadinejad won the 12 June vote, he has now gone through all the bureaucratic motions of re-assuming office. However, there is still a "legitimacy crisis". Just because you're President doesn't mean that folks accept your authority.

In part, that "legitimacy crisis" may not be as prominent because the Green wave is in a bit of a lull. Ramadan plays its part here, as well as battle fatigue and the disruption of the opposition's organisation. The leadership of Mir Hossein Mousavi in particular is now primarily on Facebook pages, given the shutdown of his websites, the detentions of some of his top advisors, and restrictions on his movements.

But, whether as an outcome of these difficulties or as a measured strategy, the Green movement has now set out its next resurgence. On 18 September, Qods (Jerusalem) Day, the plan is to assemble as Hashemi Rafsanjani speaks at Friday prayers in Tehran.

OK, but that's two weeks away, and there's no guarantee that the movement will produce a mass show of resistance (or even that Rafsanjani, given his withdrawal from prayers in mid-August, will appear), right? Of course, but that scepticism in turn discounts that tensions continue within the regime.

At the risk of repeating our "Iranians love chess" cliche too often, one strong move does not mean checkmate. And the President and his allies still have a glaring weakness in their defences. Look at the list of waves above. The one that has always been crashing ashore since mid-July has been the criticism of the post-election crackdown through detentions, beatings and abuses, confessions, and trials. And that wave was not put out to sea with the Parliament vote.

It is possible that Ahmadinejad has come through the worst of this. There was a signal this week that the post-election criticism of Mohsen Rezaei, despite the death of his campaign advisor's son in detention, may be muted by putting Rezaei at the head of State broadcasting. The Supreme Leader may be satisfied that he made his point when he "closed" Kahrizak prison. Sadegh Larijani may be content to take his place at judiciary and not challenge the continuing trials; alternatively, Ahmadinejad and the IRGC may accept that they should now curb the crackdown and let proceedings take a lower profile, with releases of some prisoners and "moderate" sentences for others. Ayatollah Khamenei may even announce an end-of-Ramadan "amnesty" for iconic detainees such as Saeed Hajjarian and Mohammad Ali Abtahi.

But, as of now, we don't know. And there's a twist in the tale.

Actually, it's not a twist. It's a storyline that has been here all the time. As EA's Chris Emery and our sharp-eyed/sharp-minded readers have noted, post-election events have added to the strains on the Iranian economy. The post-election crisis brought Government to a standstill and exposed problems in Iran's infrastructure. Of course, Ahmadinejad and his new Cabinet may try to stabilise or even jump-start the economy, but the President's record in this area hasn't been too good.

And that is where "post-election crisis" turns into "legitimacy crisis". It's one thing for an activist to get angry over a stolen vote; another for a "non-activist" to get angry because transport doesn't work, food is more expensive, housing isn't assured, and the lights go out.

If that is the case, if there is a wave of resentment over the economy that happens to arise at the same time as the ongoing waves over the political authority of the President and his allies (and I write that in full cognizance of the opinion of EA colleagues and some of our readers that the Revolutionary Guard has shown its muscle in recent weeks).....

Welcome back to the storm.